【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線
中文、意大利文演說全文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118
感謝開創未來基金會(Fondazione Farefuturo)邀請,讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言,呼籲世界繼續關注香港,與香港人站在同一陣線。
意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家,理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解,如今正值大學保衛戰一週年,以致大搜捕的時刻,當打壓更為嚴峻,香港更需要世界與我們同行。
為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況,我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿,盼望在如此困難的時勢裡,繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。
【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】
Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.
Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.
Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.
Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail
Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.
Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.
I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.
But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?
Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene
The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.
As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.
The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.
I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.
Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.
That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.
Defending freedom behind the bars
No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.
The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.
I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.
.................
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同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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//繼在尖沙咀清真寺門外慘遭藍毒水炮襲擊的香港印度協會前會長毛漢(Mohan Chugani)譴責林鄭之後,毛漢之弟褚簡寧(Michael Chugani)在某中文報紙刊登專欄,用墨水反攻林鄭政府。
這位毛弟是香港名記者,英文寫作能力甚佳,由學英文角度,值得香港學生借鑑。
良好的英文評論不止文法正確,而是要使用英語文化思維,由邏輯角度將道理說出來。英文的歷史學,着重將不幸事件的原因(Causes)和後果(Consequences)並列,由讀者自己下結論,而不是將事件後果的某一部份局部誇大,煽動讀者的仇恨情緒。
禇簡寧強調:香港人支持示威者,香港人寬容年輕人使用暴力,因為多次用和平訴求,林鄭和她的主人只當耳邊風:
1. They were forced into violence after Lam ignored their peaceful violence. That’s why so many Hongkongers tolerate violence, the targeting of mainland-linked businesses, and the hurling of petrol bombs.
Hurling 這個字,文法中叫做 Gerund,當名詞用,比 Throwing(投擲)更地道。印度人對甘地式的和平抗爭和殖民地式的暴力鎮壓,而導致獨立的歷史因果,十分清楚。林鄭政府的藍水炮在清真寺外,竟還「誤中」(有如當年美國轟炸機在南斯拉夫使用舊地圖,誤炸了中國大使館)印度長老,一石二鳥,實屬雙重不幸。
尖沙咀不止是大陸遊客掃名牌的旺市,更是香港這個國際城市印巴人士聚居的地區,警方下次行動,真是要看清楚地圖。
褚簡寧指出,林鄭應該學到的教訓,是雖然下令地鐵每夜十點之後停開,實施有實無名的宵禁,大規模逮捕,卻無法阻嚇年輕人。又呼籲中國停止將香港的任何麻煩,抵賴於外國勢力,應該自問為何大陸的那套無法贏得民心:
2,Instead of blaming foreign forces, our leaders should ask themselves why they themselves cannot win the hearts and minds with the mainland values.
Hearts and minds ,心意,此詞在英文中常見;themselves 一詞,略嫌重複,第二個可以刪掉,但若作者故意強調這是「他們自己」的責任而非外人,亦無可厚非。
Mainland values :「大陸的價值觀」。
3,At its heart is a resistance against mainland authoritarianism seeping into Hong Kong.
At its heart,核心在於、關鍵正是。一般香港人學英文,不夠地道,只會說The heart of the matter is , 但 At its heart 就簡潔許多。
At 這個詞,對許多中國學生是一個難題。On the sea 和 At sea,同樣都是「在海上」,有何分別?當你說一艘船正在大西洋海上航行, 是 on the sea, 但你打電話給一個朋友,他在坐郵輪,收不到電話,他會說:I am at sea,我在海上,而不是陸地。
Seeping ,中國大陸的意識形態,將水一樣的滲透香港。年輕人的抗爭,也聲稱 Be water,作者此處以水抗水,有暗中呼應的修辭學。黃河的河水,對壘維港之海水,上接八十年代中國知識分子呼籲改革的紀錄片「河殤」,聲稱黃河必須與太平洋的海水匯聚,方可與國際接軌。
但現在不同了,黃河的中國與太平洋的世界完全對立。此處暗藏妙喻。
寫好英文,不是像政務官一樣寫好他們的文法正確的公文。好文章必須有修辭、暗喻、曲筆。禇先生這一篇,其中的邏輯道理,對於西方文明世界的讀者全屬於幼稚園程度,根本不值得用一千多字來嚕囌。
美國的「紐約客」、英國的「觀察家」,不會刊登這種說理程度的文字。但禇簡寧此文,有如屈原苦勸楚懷王一樣,「勸諫」的是林鄭及其背後的主人,雖然用英文寫出,有印度人精密的議論能力,但卻有一股非常奇怪的中國儒家風格。//#陶傑
authoritarianism 中文 在 健吾 Facebook 的最讚貼文
讓陶傑及褚簡寧說說英語。
繼在尖沙咀清真寺門外慘遭藍毒水炮襲擊的香港印度協會前會長毛漢(Mohan Chugani)譴責林鄭之後,毛漢之弟褚簡寧(Michael Chugani)在某中文報紙刊登專欄,用墨水反攻林鄭政府。
這位毛弟是香港名記者,英文寫作能力甚佳,由學英文角度,值得香港學生借鑑。
良好的英文評論不止文法正確,而是要使用英語文化思維,由邏輯角度將道理說出來。英文的歷史學,着重將不幸事件的原因(Causes)和後果(Consequences)並列,由讀者自己下結論,而不是將事件後果的某一部份局部誇大,煽動讀者的仇恨情緒。
禇簡寧強調:香港人支持示威者,香港人寬容年輕人使用暴力,因為多次用和平訴求,林鄭和她的主人只當耳邊風:
1. They were forced into violence after Lam ignored their peaceful violence. That’s why so many Hongkongers tolerate violence, the targeting of mainland-linked businesses, and the hurling of petrol bombs.
Hurling 這個字,文法中叫做 Gerund,當名詞用,比 Throwing(投擲)更地道。印度人對甘地式的和平抗爭和殖民地式的暴力鎮壓,而導致獨立的歷史因果,十分清楚。林鄭政府的藍水炮在清真寺外,竟還「誤中」(有如當年美國轟炸機在南斯拉夫使用舊地圖,誤炸了中國大使館)印度長老,一石二鳥,實屬雙重不幸。
尖沙咀不止是大陸遊客掃名牌的旺市,更是香港這個國際城市印巴人士聚居的地區,警方下次行動,真是要看清楚地圖。
褚簡寧指出,林鄭應該學到的教訓,是雖然下令地鐵每夜十點之後停開,實施有實無名的宵禁,大規模逮捕,卻無法阻嚇年輕人。又呼籲中國停止將香港的任何麻煩,抵賴於外國勢力,應該自問為何大陸的那套無法贏得民心:
2,Instead of blaming foreign forces, our leaders should ask themselves why they themselves cannot win the hearts and minds with the mainland values.
Hearts and minds ,心意,此詞在英文中常見;themselves 一詞,略嫌重複,第二個可以刪掉,但若作者故意強調這是「他們自己」的責任而非外人,亦無可厚非。
Mainland values :「大陸的價值觀」。
3,At its heart is a resistance against mainland authoritarianism seeping into Hong Kong.
At its heart,核心在於、關鍵正是。一般香港人學英文,不夠地道,只會說The heart of the matter is , 但 At its heart 就簡潔許多。
At 這個詞,對許多中國學生是一個難題。On the sea 和 At sea,同樣都是「在海上」,有何分別?當你說一艘船正在大西洋海上航行, 是 on the sea, 但你打電話給一個朋友,他在坐郵輪,收不到電話,他會說:I am at sea,我在海上,而不是陸地。
Seeping ,中國大陸的意識形態,將水一樣的滲透香港。年輕人的抗爭,也聲稱 Be water,作者此處以水抗水,有暗中呼應的修辭學。黃河的河水,對壘維港之海水,上接八十年代中國知識分子呼籲改革的紀錄片「河殤」,聲稱黃河必須與太平洋的海水匯聚,方可與國際接軌。
但現在不同了,黃河的中國與太平洋的世界完全對立。此處暗藏妙喻。
寫好英文,不是像政務官一樣寫好他們的文法正確的公文。好文章必須有修辭、暗喻、曲筆。禇先生這一篇,其中的邏輯道理,對於西方文明世界的讀者全屬於幼稚園程度,根本不值得用一千多字來嚕囌。
美國的「紐約客」、英國的「觀察家」,不會刊登這種說理程度的文字。但禇簡寧此文,有如屈原苦勸楚懷王一樣,「勸諫」的是林鄭及其背後的主人,雖然用英文寫出,有印度人精密的議論能力,但卻有一股非常奇怪的中國儒家風格。
authoritarianism 中文 在 威權主義與全球中國》學術論壇| “The Spectre of Imperialism? 的推薦與評價
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