關於 czech new wave ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

捷克一行近90人來訪，其中除了參議院議長、以及布拉格首都市長，還有大批記者、文藝及產業相關團體一起來

對台灣在中東歐來說，是一個絕佳展現自信、理念、產業還有交流的機會。

對於產業，我們更熱於看到中央、地方，到商業上面的契機

捷克是高科技產業的重鎮，根據我國駐捷克辦事處的文件指出：”捷克電機電子電腦業工業占捷克總製造業產值13%以上，僅次於鋼鐵金屬製造業及汽機車交通製造業。...捷克本身亦有超過31,000家的ICT業者，80%業者係提供ICT服務，其中捷克軟體公司包括AVG Technologies、AVAST防毒軟體公司、GoodData、Y-SOFT、Socialbakers等均有相當優異之表現...台商如鴻海、緯創、華碩、和碩等在捷克設廠組裝電腦及成立區域維修中心”

這些資訊都展現產業的互補性。這一次除了台、捷兩國，包含日本媒體也大力著墨此次訪問團，大幅增加台灣在歐洲的識別度，品牌度以及能見度。

除此之外，根據中央社引述之經濟部資料，

“捷克為台灣在歐洲的第4大投資國，投資規模僅次於德國、荷蘭與英國，累計至去年9月，台灣在捷克的投資案共25件，金額達1億6048萬美元，而台捷雙邊去年的貿易額近8.2億美元，台灣享有貿易順差8978萬美元。”

捷克對台的投資及利害關係，也不斷上升。

這些經貿上面的合作，將會是未來務實交流的方向。

中東歐國家，特別是前蘇聯衛星國民主化之後，許多人對於蘇共以己方龐大政軍實力，影響干預衛星國家的所有層面，都感到厭惡。

也因此，當中國外交部長王毅表示「中國會讓維特齊付出深重代價」這種恫嚇式的言論時，其實傷害的不僅僅是兩岸之間的信任，也傷害中國、東歐、甚至歐洲整體關係。

利用意識形態去綁架經濟，這在新的全球政治中，只會遭受到更大的反彈。

這幅作品，是在今年6月初，一位捷克藝術家特別希望藉由我轉送給市府，是布拉格的一景，現在原尺寸的作品就在台北市政府裡，想看到布拉格，可以在台北市看見。

我真誠期待，除了國會、產業之外，地方政府在公共政策的交流，也能夠順利發展。

台北對布拉格，特別能在在教育交流、商務/資通人員交流、公務員定期交流上面，開啟一連串的前例：不要忘記，現任的Ｈｒｉｂ市長，過去也是實習醫師。

也期待並祝福台北市與布拉格，能夠在所有領域增強交流，一起前進！

——

Vitáme vás na Tchaj-wanie!

Please join me in extending a warm welcome to the 90-member strong delegation from the beautiful nation of Czechia.

Our two countries share common history: we have both transformed from authoritarian single-party rule to a democracy that guarantees basic freedoms and equal rights for their citizens.

But we should also look towards the future in unison: I believe that technology should constitute the core of our future relations. Czechia has been deservedly called the "Silicon Valley of Europe." The recent introduction of a new brand “The Czech Republic: The Country For The Future” clearly demonstrates that our priorities align closely, especially in light of President Tsai's 5+2 innovative industries plan.

—

To our noisy neighbors across the strait, Taiwan’s Czech friends who are currently visiting our country are mere “rule-breakers trampling on diplomatic civilization.” This goes to show me that PRC’s Foreign Minister Wang is in a dire need of a history lesson, as he appears to be completely ignorant of the reshuffling in “diplomatic civilization” brought about by the Third Wave of Democratization.

In 1989, the prospect of freedom filled the people of East Asia and Eastern Europe with hope. It would be hard to overlook the important parallels between the Velvet Revolution and the White Lily Movement (野百合學運).

The ‘89 Student Movement in China (八九民運) was propelled by the same energy; yet, lamentably, it resulted in very different outcomes.

In Czechia and Taiwan, the hope for a better tomorrow became a reality. Our two countries continue to serve as shining beacons of democracy amidst regional struggles. Since the 1980s, Prague and Taipei sought to be active stakeholders in the construction of a “diplomatic civilization” built on the principles of freedom, mutual respects, and human rights. Beijing consistently refuses to join us in this endeavor.

This is why Prague has more in common with Taipei than with Beijing, Minister Wang. Czechia and Taiwan have long endured authoritarian oppression. Today, we declare in unison: “Never Again!”

The visit of our Czech friends is not a “defiant move” - it is a nod to the laudable legacy of late President and champion of democratization, Mr. Vacláv Havel.

🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導，來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙：丹麥Weekendavisen，題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會，前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者，我也在其中，雖然只是每人一句，加在一起，卻有了很完整的圖像。

以下為英譯：

Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.

A world on the barricades

At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.

At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."

For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?

Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.

With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.

Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.

"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.

Economic powerlessness

Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.

According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.

'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.

The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.

Triggered by trifles

In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.

In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.

“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.

Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.

“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.

The authoritarian wave

Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.

Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.

“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.

"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.

"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.

Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.

“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.

"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.

Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.

The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.

"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."