毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
(案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)
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「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下:
2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!
在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?
社會之病根
對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。
最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
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There’s rhythm in writing! 🎶
這個禮拜Presentality的Andrew來分享英文寫作的節奏!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
我的工作需要看非常多的英文。
其中有英文母語的人寫的,也有非母語的人寫的。最近,我注意到一個兩者之間很明顯的差別。這個差別很少有人提到,因為它無關文法正確,也不是有學問的用語,或是文雅的詞彙。
是句子的長短。
Well,更正確的來說,是長句跟短句的交錯。我發現,非母語人士寫的英文句子,不但比英文母語的人寫的長,而且是大部分句子都很長。
母語的人,尤其是很會寫的人,則是會把長句跟短句混合搭配。
那又怎樣?
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你可能會說 ok,以英文為母語的人比較會用短的句子,那又怎樣?句子的長短,跟我寫作的好壞,有關嗎?
關係可大了。
就像音樂,或是影片,文字也是「內容」。只要是「內容」,就有它的節奏。你可以想像一首曲子,從頭到尾都是很長的音,而且一點變化都沒有嗎?或是一部很長的影片,從頭到尾都是很長的畫面,而且一點節奏的變化都沒有嗎?
Well actually,你應該可以想像,這些就是要幫助我們睡眠的。
如果你不想要你的讀者覺得無聊或甚至睡著,我建議適度變換你文字的節奏。
但我們先看案例。
我拿一篇台灣人寫的文,跟另一篇美國人寫的,來做比較:把每個句子都分拆成不同的段落,句子的長短就一目了然了。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
但我們先看案例。
我拿一篇台灣人寫的文,跟另一篇美國人寫的,來做比較:把每個句子都分拆成不同的段落,句子的長短就一目了然了。
📌 台灣案例:Taipei Times Opinion
1. The TAIEX last month rose above 17,000 points as rallies in steel, shipping and some non-tech stocks offset a weakness in semiconductor and electronics stocks.
2. While news about a cluster of local COVID-19 infections connected with China Airlines cargo pilots and a hotel in Taoyuan fueled selling pressure early this month and pushed the local stock market into consolidation mode, the daily market turnover in the first two trading sessions of this month hit fresh highs.
3. Moreover, Taiwan’s stock trading volume last month began to surpass that of Hong Kong for the first time in 15 years, which was beyond most market participants’ expectations.
4. Taiwan’s daily market turnover exceeding Hong Kong’s might gradually become a new normal from this year, and there are good reasons for this.
5. First, Hong Kong’s stock market has lost its appeal to foreign investors since China last year imposed national security legislation on the territory, triggering a potential flight of capital and talent.
6. Second, many wealthy Taiwanese tend to park their overseas funds in Hong Kong, China, Singapore, Switzerland and the US, but government statistics showed that more than 80 percent of funds repatriated by wealthy individuals last year were from Hong Kong, as they saw the political situation in the territory worsen after its self-governance, human rights and freedom of speech were further suppressed.
7. Third, China’s new NASDAQ-style stock board — the Shanghai Stock Exchange’s STAR board — has emerged as a fast-growing capital markets center for Chinese companies at a time when rising China-US tensions have triggered concerns about their prospects of listing in New York, posing a growing challenge to the Hong Kong stock exchange.
8. On the other hand, Taiwan’s economic fundamentals, the central bank’s adoption of extraordinary monetary easing and the government’s fiscal policies have fueled continued rallies in the nation’s stock market since last year.
9. It might be too early to tell how long the consolidation trend might last, as a resurgent COVID-19 outbreak is coloring the global economic outlook, but some insight can be drawn from the stock market:
10. Taiwan’s GDP grew a larger-than-expected 8.16 percent in the first quarter, as exports and private investment remained healthy.
都是一堆很長的句子對不對?我們來看美國人寫的句子,也是一個主流媒體的 opinion 文。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
📌 美國案例:New York Times Opinion
1. I miss torturing Liz Cheney.
2. But it must be said that the petite blonde from Wyoming suddenly seems like a Valkyrie amid halflings.
3. She is willing to sacrifice her leadership post — and risk her political career — to continue calling out Donald Trump’s Big Lie.
4. She has decided that, if the price of her job is being as unctuous to Trump as Kevin McCarthy is, it isn’t worth it, because McCarthy is totally disgracing himself.
5. It has been a dizzying fall for the scion of one of the most powerful political families in the land, a conservative chip off the old block who was once talked about as a comer, someone who could be the first woman president.
6. How naïve I was to think that Republicans would be eager to change the channel after Trump cost them the Senate and the White House and unleashed a mob on them.
7. I thought the Donald would evaporate in a poof of orange smoke, ending a supremely screwed-up period of history.
8. But the loudest mouth is not shutting up.
9. And Republicans continue to listen, clinging to the idea that the dinosaur is the future.
10. “We can’t grow without him,” Lindsey Graham said.
📌 Note: 即使是比較長的句子,這位作者也會用標點符號拆散它:She is willing to sacrifice her leadership post — and risk her political career — to continue calling out Donald Trump’s Big Lie. 這就好比用句點一樣,讓我們讀起來有點停頓休息的時間。
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📌 注意到了嗎?
台灣人寫的英文,句子都偏長,而且長度都差不多。
美國人寫的就不一樣了:一個只有五個字的句子開頭,然後一堆稍微長一點的句子,然後再來一串短句。
你可能懷疑我故意挑選很極端了例子出來,而且幹嘛專門打台灣人呢?
所以想到這裡,我從我的書架上,隨便挑了兩本跟科技有關的書出來。左邊的,是美國人,矽谷知名投資人 Peter Thiel。右邊的是德國人,但注意了,是一個英文非常好的德國人。他不但是世界經濟論壇的創辦人,研究所也是在哈佛大學唸的。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
📌 兩本書 Introduction 是怎麼寫的?
Klaus Schwab (德國):
Of the many diverse and fascinating challenges we face today, the most intense and important is how to understand and shape the new technology revolution, which entails nothing less than a transformation of humankind.
We are at the beginning of a revolution that is fundamentally changing the way we live, work, and relate to one another.
In its scale, scope and complexity, what I consider to be the fourth industrial revolution is unlike anything humankind has experienced before.
Peter Thiel (美國):
Whenever I interview someone for a job, I like to ask this question: "What important truth do very few people agree with you on?"
The question sounds easy because it's straightforward.
Actually, it's very hard to answer.
It's intellectually difficult because the knowledge that everyone is taught in school is by definition agreed upon.
See the difference?
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📌 如何變換節奏呢?
需要Andrew的完整分享請留言「There’s rhythm in writing~」。
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hong kong: freedom house 在 YuniQue Yuni Facebook 的最佳貼文
Hello!
Just roaming around Singapore with my lilac outfit and find the matching background..
Appreciating the freedom to roam around at the moment because not sure what will happen in the future.. With the recent news don’t think the world will open up very soon 🥲
Btw, isn’t this basketball court with HDB flats background remind us of housing estate in Hong Kong?
Majority (up to 80%) of Singapore's population live in public housing flats managed by HDB (Housing Development Board). HDB Flats in Singapore are sold on a 99-year lease agreement.
Owning a property in Singapore is very expensive and public housing is much cheaper altenative to own a house here, for at least 99-years..
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#SingaporeHDB
#exploreSingapore #discoverSingapore #VisitSingapore #rediscoverSingapore #singaporeinsiders #singaporeworld #things2doinSingapore #singaporeforeveryone #Singapore #SingapoRediscovers #clozette
hong kong: freedom house 在 果籽 Youtube 的最佳解答
The bridge connecting World-Wide House and Central MTR station is a popular weekend hangout among Filipinos, where they can blow some steam off with hometown food and great music. Despite the coronavirus-induced prohibition on group gatherings, William Elvin sat on the stairs with a guitar in his arms and sang a song he wrote.
“Gilbert lives in Hong Kong/ But was born in Bangkok/ Gilbert can’t pick up the language though he tried…” The lyrics resonated among the Filipino domestic workers nearby, who started to gather and applaud around him. His performance also attracted busy passersby to stop and listen.
Elvin used to work as a folk singer and a theatrical musical director in the Philippines. Struggling to make ends meet back home, he followed his father’s footsteps in 2013 and started looking for jobs in Hong Kong. He is now a copywriter at an advertising company, after being told off multiple times when he distributed flyers at World-Wide House. After clocking out for the day, he performs at bars or lounges in the evening.
影片:
【我是南丫島人】23歲仔獲cafe免費借位擺一人咖啡檔 $6,000租住350呎村屋:愛這裏互助關係 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/XSugNPyaXFQ)
【香港蠔 足本版】流浮山白蠔收成要等三年半 天然生曬肥美金蠔日產僅50斤 即撈即食中環名人坊蜜餞金蠔 西貢六福酥炸生蠔 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/Fw653R1aQ6s)
【這夜給惡人基一封信】大佬茅躉華日夜思念 回憶從8歲開始:兄弟有今生沒來世 (壹週刊 Next) (https://youtu.be/t06qjQbRIpY)
【太子餃子店】新移民唔怕蝕底自薦包餃子 粗重功夫一腳踢 老闆刮目相看邀開店:呢個女人唔係女人(飲食男女 Apple Daily) https://youtu.be/7CUTg7LXQ4M)
【娛樂人物】情願市民留家唔好出街聚餐 鄧一君兩麵舖執笠蝕200萬 (蘋果日報 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/e3agbTOdfoY)
果籽 :http://as.appledaily.com
籽想旅行:http://travelseed.hk
健康蘋台: http://applehealth.com.hk
動物蘋台: http://applepetform.com
#果籽 #Filipino #busker #Bangkok #Gilbert #MTR #StayHome #WithMe #跟我一樣 #宅在家
![post-title](https://i.ytimg.com/vi/PIKNqKxnMfQ/hqdefault.jpg)
hong kong: freedom house 在 This is Taiwan Youtube 的最佳貼文
[有字幕] 為什麼台灣民主很重要?How democratic is Taiwan and why does Taiwan's democracy really matter?
Li Family Historical House in Taipei:
https://tour.ntpc.gov.tw/en-us/Attraction/Detail?wnd_id=85&id=111811
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hong kong: freedom house 在 觸執毛Chochukmo Youtube 的精選貼文
CHOCHUKMO CHINA TOUR 2010
14 AUG: MAO Livehouse / Beijing
15 AUG: Aperture Club / Xian
17 AUG: Hemp House / Chengdu
18 AUG: NUTS / Chongqing
19 AUG: VOX Livehouse / Wuhan
20 AUG: 61House / Nanjing
21 AUG: Yuyintang / Shanghai
22 AUG: Freedom House / Changsha
24 AUG: Tekkwun Livehouse / Guangzhou
![post-title](https://i.ytimg.com/vi/ZH_cgnzboO4/hqdefault.jpg)