今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
inauguration ceremony speech 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的精選貼文
[時事英文大全]
I heard some of you are interested in learning English through the news.
聽說有一些同學想要透過新聞來學英文?
Here are some news articles I've written in the past few years. They include international news stories, keywords and collocations, and even transcripts and audio recordings. Hope these resources will help you achieve your learning goals!
以下是我寫的時事英文的連結,包含這幾年來的世界大事、關鍵詞彙、搭配詞、甚至自錄的音檔與逐字稿,希望可以幫助同學完成學習的目標。
覺得資源有用按個讚或分享就好了~
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2014
[時事英文] 2014 Taiwan Food Scandal: Gutter Oil 餿水油食安事件: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1V0
[時事英文] US Protests: Week of Outrage: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1V5
More: http://bit.ly/2LpnbUA
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2015
[時事英文] The Wealth Gap in Taiwan 台灣的貧富差距: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Vc
[時事英文] 2015 Nepal Earthquake 2015年尼泊爾地震: http://bit.ly/2JbeZ8b
[時事英文] Capital Punishment: http://bit.ly/2vh27ph
[時事英文] The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank 亞洲基礎設施投資銀行: http://bit.ly/2Yz5qF8
[時事英文] The Greek Financial Crisis 20個希臘債務危機的關鍵片語!: http://bit.ly/30aXlXH
[時事英文] Conference of Parties 21 巴黎氣候峰會: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Vf
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2016
[時事英文] Leonardo DiCaprio Oscar's Curse Is Over! 落獎詛咒總算解除了: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Vj
[時事英文] Brexit 10句英文幫你快速了解英國退歐: http://bit.ly/328cAm5
[時事英文] The Syrian Civil War 敘利亞內戰 : http://bit.ly/2FUK3qD
[時事英文] Train to Busan 屍速列車: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1Vm
[時事英文] China Warns Trump 中國警告特朗普
http://bit.ly/2FUKDoj
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2017
[時事英文] Davos 2017 達沃斯論壇: http://bit.ly/2JkcEXm
[時事英文] Trump's Inauguration Speech 川普總統就職演說+美國總統奧巴馬的「向前看」的告別演說: http://bit.ly/2RXGUuX
[時事英文] Alibaba’s Ma meets Trump 馬雲與特朗普會面: http://bit.ly/2JcxKrC
[時事英文] Trump and Abe Meeting 美國總統川普、日本總理安倍晉三會談: http://bit.ly/2JcP5Ro
[時事英文] The 89th Academy Awards Ceremony 奧斯卡頒獎典禮的26句經典片語): http://bit.ly/2NyxqYs
[時事英文] 3.07.2017 Current Events 3.07時事英文: http://bit.ly/2LCyBDY
[時事英文] 3.16.2017 Current Events 3.16時事英文: http://bit.ly/2LAZloc
[時事英文] A Tale of Two Koreas 兩韓故事: http://bit.ly/2KYaShZ
[時事英文] 2017 G20 Hamburg Summit G20論壇關鍵片語: http://bit.ly/2Jb2ARu
[時事英文] #MeToo 「#我也是」
http://bit.ly/2NzkfGR
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2018
[時事英文] Twins Take a Stand Against Discrimination 跨越歧視: http://bit.ly/2RQdy1u
[時事英文] A War of Words 口水戰爭: http://bit.ly/2RU3RPy
[時事英文] US Gun Policies 美國槍枝政策: http://bit.ly/2JdLmTN
[時事英文] Cancer Vaccine 癌症疫苗: http://bit.ly/2LBkHSr
[時事英文] A Potential Trade War with China 中美貿易戰 I: http://bit.ly/2E2sp3p
[時事英文] Mark Zuckerberg Testifies Before Congress 祖克柏首赴美國會作證: http://bit.ly/2YvTKmR
[時事英文] North Korea’s Kim Jong-un crosses into South Korea 金正恩跨入南韓: http://bit.ly/2L0bgws
[時事英文] Crazy Rich Asians 瘋狂的亞洲富豪: http://bit.ly/2FNDzdd
[時事英文] 5.18 Current Events 兩分鐘全球英文新聞摘要: http://bit.ly/2RTVt2M
[時事英文] Here's Why British Women Wear Hats at Weddings 為什麼英國女性要在婚禮上戴帽子? http://bit.ly/3222IKy
[時事英文] Trump’s Letter to Kim Jong-un 金正恩收到美國總統川普的信件: http://bit.ly/2FUH5Cq
[時事英文] An Orangutan Fights to Save His Home 紅毛猩猩與推土機搏鬥: http://bit.ly/2RTwLPY
[時事英文] Lottery, a Tax on the Poor? 彩券是一種窮人稅?: http://bit.ly/2XrDm5s
[時事英文] The Trump-Kim Summit and Agreement 川金會: http://bit.ly/2NvEZiI
[時事英文] A Typhoon Day 颱風假英文要怎麼說?: http://bit.ly/2JdgnY0
[時事英文] Positive News 正面新聞: http://bit.ly/2KYi9yd
[時事英文] Election Results 選舉新聞模板: http://bit.ly/2Nx5YdH
★★★★★★★★★★★★
2019
[時事英文] Top Global Brands 近7年來世界領先品牌的增長與下降!: http://bit.ly/326pS2u
[時事英文]Mazu Told Me…「媽祖托夢告訴我」英文怎麼說…: http://bit.ly/324C4AV
[時事英文] 6.1 Earthquake Rattles Taiwan 頭搖的好暈喔…希望大家都平安!
http://bit.ly/2FUMMQT
[時事英文] Earth’s Day 2019 地球日 2019: http://bit.ly/2Xr5CoA
[時事英文] Han’s Get Rich Slogans 韓市長的「發大財」英文怎麼說?: http://bit.ly/2KYFQ9G
[時事英文] How to Spot Fake News 如何分辨假新聞: http://bit.ly/2RTXtrO
[時事英文] Yang2020 美國會有華人總統嗎?: http://bit.ly/328Zt3X
[時事英文] Wan An Exercise 萬安演習: http://bit.ly/2Yzhzdl
[時事英文] China US Anchors Debate 美中女主播貿易戰辯論: http://bit.ly/2LyvxZr
[時事英文] Ma and Tsai's English Speaking 馬前總統和蔡總統的英文口說能力: http://bit.ly/327EUoH
[時事英文] English Speaking Challenge: Top Politicians 三位政治大咖的英文口說能力!: http://bit.ly/2FSZY90
[時事英文] EVA Air Strike 42個關鍵英文片語幫你理解長榮罷工事件! 「秋後算帳」英文怎麼說?: http://bit.ly/2xxg1os
[時事英文] Fake News? 假新聞? http://bit.ly/2Xs2tKc
[時事英文] Xi-Trump G20 Meeting 紐約時報 G20「習川會」的關鍵英文詞彙: http://bit.ly/2Nvbu0v
[時事英文] HK's Extradition Bill 引渡法案:
http://bit.ly/2AWA4Oz
...and more: http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Discussions of current events: http://bit.ly/319JHW2
時事英文直播 1 Saudi Arabia Oil Attack (9.24.2019): http://bit.ly/2mhscTU
時事英文直播 2 Climate Change (10.01.2019): http://bit.ly/2oZGCth
時事英文直播 3 Perspectives on Hong Kong's Protests (10.08.2019): http://bit.ly/33fi3HG
inauguration ceremony speech 在 譚凱邦 Roy Tam Facebook 的最佳解答
撐
張秀賢傘運九子案罪成之陳情書
(隨後附上英文版本 Please scroll down for the English version.)
法官閣下:
「也許很多老練的人會說我們只有理想,不求實際,但假若學生也變得世故,又有誰可以單純的為著理想,努力為社會帶來改變?」
「我們相信,堅持真普選,建設公平政制,是這時代賦予我們的責任。我們避無可避,亦退無可退。面對時代的挑戰,我們選擇毅然面對。」
在此刻,又回想起2014年九月,我在中大開學禮時向中大同學所說的開學辭。在庭上出席審訊的四星期,看到控方和其他辯方代表所播放的片段,又令人憶起五年前的種種。
參與緣起
當年三月,內閣「澄」獲得3431票,即近八成信任票當選第四十四屆中大學生會幹事會。當年參選,我們向中大同學提出政綱:只接受沒有篩選和只有合理門檻的選舉設計。我們也承諾,假如最終政改方案不符合基本標準,任內會全力推動、宣揚、積極參與和協助籌辦佔中運動。後來種種,其實都是實踐競選學生會時候,對中大同學的莊嚴承諾。
雨傘運動以「罷課不罷學」作為前奏,我們不上課,但一直學習民主理論;那星期以重奪公民廣場作結,學生縱身躍進公民廣場,換來卻是警察圍堵與多條罪名。當晚,抗爭者除了渴望爭取民主,更多人卻是高呼「保護學生」,只因為學生單純為理想而行,冀盼爭取更好的將來。
其實,香港人在爭取民主的路上跟學生一樣,在跌跌碰碰中學習,卻又單純不為自身利益。傘運初期,參與者買物資,自行分類垃圾,甚至設立自修室供學生溫習。大家總是守望相助,不計回報,畫面都在腦海揮之不去,令人感動。
分歧迷失
79天的雨傘運動,估計超過一百萬港人參與,成為歷來最大規模的民主抗爭。我們堅持和平、非暴力原則,堅守行動底線爭取民主政制。可是,香港政府無視民意,北京政府堅持 不義的「八三一方案」,最終使整場運動無功而還。
雖然在運動當中,我們看到許多觸動人心的片段,但抗爭曠日持久,矛盾積累就使分歧變成參與者之間的一道道裂縫。到佔領後期,或許我們都感到迷失、不安,不知運動未來如何是好。因為分歧,所以互相猜疑;因為誤解,所以互不信任;因為敵視,所以衝突漸生。昨天的因,今天的果,部分佔領者不滿我們的決策,出現「拆大台」等事件,溝通問題為日後更大的政治路線紛爭埋下伏線,延續至今。
雨傘運動落幕,民主普選尚未實現,我們卻為了政治路線的分野而互相仇視,甚至成為出言傷害,使人與人之間的傷口更難癒合。候選人和議員被DQ、旺角案,大家面對政權打壓,參選、投票、行動無用,無力感蓋過一切。幾乎所有人都感到迷失,不知道可以做甚麼才可以改變當下。
回歸初心
人非聖人,不可能所有人都心無仇恨。此刻說要放下過往分歧,不再爭吵,同樣並沒可能。我只希望當初走在同一條路上的人,不要越走越遠;未來的日子也許難捱,但讓我們記得最初無私奉獻的美好,努力修補彼此關係,理解各自想法與難處;唯有用寬容、溝通取代排斥、仇恨,回歸初心,我們才能走得更遠。
我還記得當天開學辭的這句:「我們所享受的,正正是前人選擇抗爭的成果;香港未來命運,在乎我們的選擇。」
當日的學生,今日都已長大成人,有人可能變得世故;然而,我知道大家仍舊記得初衷:共同決定自己的未來。即使我在五年前已知道,今天將會身處法庭的被告欄,為了這小城的未來,我還是會堅持最初的信念。跟戰友一起參與雨傘運動,我與有榮焉;縱使面對罪成刑責,我也會不亢不卑。
面對判決,大家可以傷心,可以難過。可是悲痛過後,大家仍要努力自強,化成推動力守護初心,帶著社會繼續前行。
--------------------
Your Honour,
“Perhaps pragmatists will say that we only talk about ideals and never rationalise on them. But if students were all worldly and tactful, who would be left to wholeheartedly pursue ideals and strive to bring changes to our society?”
“We believe we have to deal with the problems our historical moment proposes – the burden of our time. The burden that our time confers upon us is to insist on the implementation of genuine universal suffrage and to build a fair and just political system. It is impossible for us to escape or retreat from such attendant responsibility. We choose to face up to these challenges of our time.”
At this moment, I yet again recall the inauguration speech I gave to my fellow students at the Chinese University of Hong Kong Inauguration Ceremony back in September 2014. During the 4-week trial in Court, the recordings played by both the Prosecution and the Defence also sent me down the memory lane of everything that has happened 5 years ago.
The Beginning
In March 2014, our Cabinet “Claritas” received a total of 3431 votes, which was equivalent to almost 80% of the total number of votes of confidence, and was officially elected as the 44th Executive Committee of the Student Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
When we were campaigning for the election, we published our political platform for our fellow students: we would only accept a form of universal suffrage that had a reasonable threshold and not one that precluded any screening of candidates. We also promised that, if the final constitutional reform proposal did not meet these basic standards, we would during our term of office exert all efforts to promote, propagate, actively participate and facilitate the organisation of the Occupy Central Movement. The subsequent events all took place in fulfillment of these solemn promises we had made to our fellow CUHK students during our Student Union election campaign.
“Boycott Classes, Not Education” was the precursor of the Umbrella Movement. Although we did not attend classes, we learned and educated ourselves on democratic theories. That week ended with the recapture of the Civic Square. Students leaped faithfully into the Civic Square, but what they had exchanged in return were a siege by policemen and numerous criminal charges. That night, protestors not only desired to fight for democracy, many more times they were calling upon authorities to “protect the students”, because students were simply acting upon their idealistic pursuits, hoping to secure a better future for all.
All Hong Kong citizens and students are actually just birds of the same feather on this tortuous road to democracy – we have to learn from our bumps and battle scars, yet our motives are pure and selfless. At the early stages of the Umbrella Movement, participants generously distribute resources, tidily sort their rubbish and even set up self-study areas for students to revise. They were always reaching out and helping those around them without expecting anything in return – these touching scenes have persisted in my mind ever since.
Divided and Lost
It was estimated that over one million people in Hong Kong participated in the 79-day Umbrella Movement, making it the largest scale democratic protest in this city’s history. We insisted to uphold the peaceful and non-violent principle, standing firm on the bottom line of our action in our quest for democracy. Nevertheless, the Hong Kong Government completely disregarded the clear calls of the public, while the Beijing Government hung onto the unjust “831 Proposal”, eventually leading to the ineffectuality of the Movement.
Although I have witnessed countless heart-warming moments throughout the Movement, as our protest became protracted, conflicts accumulated and turned participants’ differences into splits. Towards the end of the Occupy Movement, some of us perhaps felt lost, uneasy and uncertain about the Movement’s fate. As there were divided views, there were doubts. As there were misunderstandings, there were mistrusts. As there was hostility, confrontations gradually emerged. The fruits of today are the seeds of yesterday – since some participants were discontented with our decisions, incidents such as “tearing down the big stage” occurred. Communication problems paved the way for more serious disagreements regarding our city’s political road map, which persisted until this day.
The curtains of the Umbrella Movement have been long drawn. We have yet to attain genuine universal suffrage. Yet, we harbour animosity towards each other due to divergence in political stances; we even vocally attack each other, making the wounds among us even more difficult to heal. In the face of recent events such as the disqualification of Legislative Council members and candidates, the Mong Kok Case and different kinds of political oppression, our sense of helplessness took over. Actions aiming to bring about systematic changes, including participation in elections, voting and engagement in the political discourse, were reduced to futile efforts. Pretty much everyone feels lost and unsure of what he could do to effect meaningful changes in this day and age.
Tracing Back to the Original Intention
Human beings are no saints. It is impossible that we do not feel any antipathy towards others. It is just as impossible to tell people to let go of their differences and to not fight each other anymore. My only wish is that people who started on the same path will not grow any further apart. The days to come may be very difficult, but let us not forget about the beauty of our selfless sacrifice at the start. We should work hard on repairing relationships with each other and understanding each other’s thoughts and difficulties. We can only go further if we replace rejection and antipathy with tolerance and communication. We can only go further if we hold true to our original intention.
I still remember this phrase from my inauguration speech: “what we get to enjoy today are the outcomes from our forebears’ choice to protest; the future of Hong Kong depends on our very own choice.”
The students then are now all grown up. Some of them might have become more seasoned and tactful. Nonetheless, I know that we all remember our original intention: together we choose our own destiny. I knew as early as five years ago that I would eventually find myself at the defendant’s dock today, but for our small yet precious city’s future, I remain true to my originally intention. I am incredibly honoured and privilege to be able to participate in the Umbrella Movement with my fellow comrades. In spite of criminal sanctions, I will remain neither condescending nor servile.
With the impending sentence, I know many of you would feel sorrowful and miserable. But when it is all over, I hope that you will all remain resilient, harness your feelings and transmute that energy into a positive force that safeguards our originally intention. I count on you to continue leading our society forward.