早安,今日來讀 #紐約時報
為什麼誠實會讓你更快樂?
How Honesty Could Make You Happier
🤔I’ve been keeping an honesty journal for the past several months. With honesty much in the news lately— you might even say honesty is having a cultural moment — I wanted to reflect on my own. My 6-year-old daughter once told me that telling the truth made her feel “gold in her brain.” Could upping my personal honesty light up a pleasure center in my own brain?
過去幾個月裡,我一直在記誠實日記。鑒於最近的新聞中有很多關於誠實的話題——你甚至可以說誠實迎來了文化上的敏感時刻——我也想反思一下自己的誠信情況。我六歲的女兒有一次告訴我,實話實說讓她覺得她的「腦袋裡有金子」。提高我本人的誠實度,能激活我大腦中的愉悅中心嗎?
🗣My focus on honesty at times did lead to better interactions with my husband. When the New York Times Magazine article about open marriage came out, for example, it sparked my curiosity. Since I was keeping an honesty journal, rather than keeping it to myself, as I would have done in the past, my husband and I had an honest discussion about it.
專注於誠實有時的確會讓我和我丈夫之間的交流得到改善。例如,當《紐約時報雜誌》登出關於開放式婚姻的文章時,我的好奇心被激發了出來。由於正在記誠實日記,我沒像以往那樣獨自琢磨,而是和丈夫就此進行了開誠布公的討論。
🤐Other times, the compulsion to be honest strained things between us. That I disagree with some of his parenting techniques doesn’t necessarily need to be pointed out every single time. I came to realize that, within relationships, there is a third category between dishonesty and telling white lies, called not sharing everything.
另外一些時候,說實話的衝動只會讓我們的關係變得緊張。我不認同他的育兒技巧這種實話,沒必要次次都說。我意識到,在伴侶之間,除了坦誠相待和撒些善意的小謊,還有另一種相處方式,那就是不要無話不談。
當我們有意識地停止說謊,身心會有什麼變化呢?
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原文連結請看留言
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#告訴我✍️
你會選擇善意的謊言,還是坦誠相待?
就送你【誠實單字豆沙包】!
#善意的謊言是智慧 #說謊天打雷劈
#ㄤㄤㄤ
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Baca sampai habis Guys
Realiti sebenar isu tahanan PATI
1. Dakwaan beberapa pemimpin PH dan NGO pro-liberalisme bahawa Malaysia menindas dan menzalimi PATI, adalah melampau. Ia kemudiannya dituruti dengan kecaman antarabangsa, kononnya PATI di dalam Depot Tahanan Imigresen (DPI) dilayan dengan begitu teruk, khususnya wanita dan kanak-kanak. [1]
2. Hakikatnya, DPI bahkan menyediakan kemudahan kepada tahanan termasuk taman permainan kanak-kanak dilengkapi sudut bacaan, alat permainan, alat tulis, kerusi dan kolam mandi mudah alih selain daripada makan minum, rawatan kesihatan dan keperluan asas lain.
3. Tahanan wanita yang mengandung dan mempunyai anak turut disediakan katil, tilam serta bantal untuk keselesaan mereka, bukan tidur di atas lantai sel seperti yang diburuk-burukkan.
4. Berapakah kos tanggungan keseluruhan DPI untuk tahanan PATI ini? RM3.4 juta sebulan. [2]
5. Berapa lama PATI ditahan dalam sebelum dihantar pulang ke negara asal? 3 minggu sehingga 4 bulan.
6. Kerajaan tentulah tidak mahu menanggung beban kewangan dengan menahan lama-lama PATI ini, tetapi ia bukan sesuatu yang mudah untuk menghantar mereka pulang segera. Berikut merupakan antara sebab-sebabnya:
- PATI gagal mendedahkan identiti kewarganegaraan negara asal
- Ketiadaan dokumen negara asal
- Tertakluk di bawah perintah mahkamah (hukuman penjara)
- Menunggu dokumen dikeluarkan oleh pihak kedutaan negara asal
7. Hal demikian dijelaskan oleh bekas Ketua Pengarah Imigresen, Mustafar Ali seperti berikut:
“…Apabila seseorang itu ditangkap, mereka tiada dokumen, kita memerlukan dokumen mereka dari kedutaan. Kedutaan mereka akan mengeluarkan dokumen untuk membolehkan mereka dihantar pulang ke negara asal.
Jika tiada dokumen langsung, mereka akan digelar sebagai warga tidak bernegara, sebagai contohnya, apabila pihak kami menghubungi kedutaan berkenaan, PATI mengatakan mereka bukan dari negara terbabit. Sama juga kedutaan yang tidak mengaku PATI tersebut warganegara mereka. Jadi, pihak kedutaan tidak akan mengeluarkan dokumen. Bila tidak dikeluarkan dokumen, berapa lama mereka terpaksa tunggu?” [3]
8. Kita sebenarnya tersepit. Rakyat dan kerajaan mahu PATI segera ditangani. Tetapi PH dan NGO dengan desakan antarabangsa (kumpulan hak asasi), mahu sebaliknya.
9. Bagaimanapun, semalam, ketegasan Menteri Kanan (Keselamatan), walaupun bukan seorang yang lantang berbicara, namun jawapan dan tindakannya tegas:
"Walau apa alasan yang diberikan oleh kumpulan yang menentang tindakan kerajaan ini, kita tidak akan tunduk kepada mereka kerana tindakan kita adalah untuk menjaga kepentingan dan keselamatan rakyat kita."
10. Justeru, kerajaan akan menyegerakan penghantaran pulang PATI (yang didapati negatif Covid-19) ke negara asal. [4]
-------------------------
[1] https://www.hmetro.com.my/…/20…/07/473509/dakwaan-tanpa-asas
[2] https://www.bharian.com.my/…/9000-pati-ditahan-di-depot-imi…
[3] Nurina Awanis Mohamed, Mohd Na’eim Ajis, Zawiyah Md. Zain, 2019. Cabaran dalam menguruskan pendatang asing tanpa izin di depot tahanan imigresen Malaysia. Malaysian Journal of Society and Space 15:3 (76-89). Bangi: UKM Press (http://ejournals.ukm.my/gmjss/article/view/32219)
[4] http://www.astroawani.com/…/isu-pati-kerajaan-tidak-akan-tu…
The real reality of the home issue of pati
1. Claims of some ph leaders and pro-liberalism ngo that Malaysia is bullying and terrorizing the essence, is extreme. It was later obeyed with international censure, supposedly the essence in the Immigration Prisoner Depot (dpi) was treated so badly, especially women and children. [1]
2. In fact, dpi even provides facilities to prisoners including children's playground equipped with reading corner, game tools, writing tools, chairs and mobile bath pools instead of eating drinks, health treatment and other basic needs.
3. Pregnant Women's homes and children are also prepared for bed, mattress and pillow for their comfort, not sleeping on the cell floor as they are being are.
4. How much is the overall cost of dpi for this pati prisoner? Rm3. 4 million a month. [2]
5. How long has the essence been held in before being sent back to the country of origin? 3 WEEKS UP TO 4 months.
6. Government would not want to bear financial burden by holding on for a long time, but it's not something easy to send them home immediately. Here are some of the reasons:
- pati fails to reveal the identity of the nationality of the country
- the absence of original country documents
- subject under court order (prison sentence)
- waiting for documents to be issued by the original embassy
7. Things are explained by former immigration director mustafar ali as follows:
"... when a person is arrested, they don't have documents, we need their documents from the embassy. Their Embassy will release documents to allow them to be sent back to the country of origin.
If there are no documents at all, they will be held as citizens citizens, for example, when our party calls the embassy, the essence says they are not from the country involved. It's the same embassy who doesn't admit that the essence is their citizen. So the embassy won't release the documents. When the documents are not issued, how long do they have to wait?" [3]
8. We are actually stuck. The people and the government want the essence to be treated immediately. But Ph and ngo with international pressure (rights group), want the other way around.
9. However, yesterday, the firmness of the right minister (safety), even though not a loud person speaks, but his answers and actions are firm:
" no matter what the reason that the group that opposes the actions of this government, we will not bow down to them because our actions are to keep the importance and safety of our people."
10. Thus, the government will hasten the return of the pati (found negative covid-19) to the country of origin. [4]
-------------------------
[1] https://www.hmetro.com.my/mutakhir/2019/07/473509/dakwaan-tanpa-asas
[2] https://www.bharian.com.my/berita/nasional/2019/09/606472/9000-pati-ditahan-di-depot-imigresen
[3] Nurina Awanis Mohamed, MOHD NA ' Eim Ajis, zawiyah MD. Zain, 2019. Challenges in managing foreign immigrants at the Malaysia Immigration Prisoner Depot. Malaysian Journal of society and space 15:3 (76-89). Bangi: Ukm Press (http://ejournals.ukm.my/gmjss/article/view/32219)
[4] http://www.astroawani.com/berita-malaysia/isu-pati-kerajaan-tidak-akan-tunduk-ismail-sabri-244387Translated
journal article example 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最讚貼文
🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導,來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙:丹麥Weekendavisen,題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會,前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者,我也在其中,雖然只是每人一句,加在一起,卻有了很完整的圖像。
以下為英譯:
Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.
A world on the barricades
At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.
At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."
For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?
Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.
With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.
Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.
"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.
Economic powerlessness
Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.
According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.
'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.
The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.
Triggered by trifles
In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.
In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.
“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.
Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.
“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.
The authoritarian wave
Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.
Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.
“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.
"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.
"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.
Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.
“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.
"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.
Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.
The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.
"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."
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