Since I was very young, I have been a big fan of TED Talks, and ever since, I’ve always dreamed of being one of the great speakers on the TED stage…
I can still remember April 2018 - when Mamajee was invited to give a TED Talk at TEDxMMU, I was the proudest nephew alive! I had always looked up to him, and now I just adored him even more! I must have watched his talk at least a million times, if not more, but I never got bored of it. I found it so inspirational! His talk was and will always be my favourite! This gave me even more of a drive, and was a huge source of motivation.
Now, 2 years later, I was destined to follow Mamajee’s footsteps to the stage of TED. I was blessed to be the only student out of hundreds of other KES students to be selected as a TEDxKES speaker alongside 7 other honourable, professional adults. Even though our topics were wildly different - his talk on 'The Green Grass Syndrome' vs mine on 'Do You Speak The Future?' - we both shared a common mission: to use our knowledge to benefit others.
As soon as I received confirmation that I was officially a TED speaker, the first thing I did was cry. Yep, I cried because I wished that Mamajee was here to witness one of the biggest moments in my life, just like how we all celebrated for him. And from that moment I decided that I would wear the same outfit that he wore for his TED Talk to my TED stage.
Why? Well, he may no longer be with me, but wearing that meant that I brought a piece of him with me. And I’m glad to see that so many of you remembered that the outfit I wore to my TED Talk was the same as my Mamajee’s. It’s really touching to see that he still lives on in your thoughts. Truly, from the bottom of my heart, thank you to all of you who have not only supported my Mamajee, but me and my family as well right until today!
So here I am, standing right in front of the very door that I stood at with Mamajee on the day I officially became a KES boy way back on 28th June 2018. I may be alone this time, but I will continue his legacy...
Mamajee’s first nephew,
O. Mukhtar O. Mukhlis
#theomarmukhtar
#SundayWithAdam 💛 Adamdidam
thepawsomelion.wordpress.com
p/s: My TED Talk⤵️
https://youtu.be/QXc_C9tKnAk
同時也有14部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過27萬的網紅Lindie Botes,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Hi friends ? In today's video we're talking about changing language learning methods to find what really works for you. Vocabulary, grammar, speaking,...
「speak up vs speak out」的推薦目錄:
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 thefamily.uk Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 Food of Hong Kong by Epicurushongkong Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 Lindie Botes Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 MONGABONG Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 Xiaomanyc 小马在纽约 Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 "Speak Up! Speak Out!" - Home | Facebook 的評價
- 關於speak up vs speak out 在 The Practice and Ethics of Public Speaking - Table of Contents 的評價
speak up vs speak out 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
speak up vs speak out 在 Food of Hong Kong by Epicurushongkong Facebook 的精選貼文
The Overseas but slightly ignorant Foreign News coverages vs the Local Hong Kong news, or worse to the impossibly monitored Communist China News and the latter is often controlled fully, has infiltrated Hong Kong/China press rights and seem to be at a discrepancy, we all know how the drill runs by default now already yawn (it's all controlled unless Independents dare to speak out) .. Its all BS when at Will. Feel free to contact me as a middle person to interpret or describe all the minute details slowly, but I have summarized most of them into my IG Highlight HK Police Folder for many months for your following. I guess most Foreign Reporters however tried their best to be fair and is appreciated 🥰👲🏻👮🏿♂️, but are often shut out from all of true news, Language barriers aside but we could connect anytime. I don't know who keeps saying it is only Young protesters here who are fighting in HK for their own future. You have been duped by the Government via Propaganda moves and hidden reports as always. But fark off ok I am only here to give u the details and just let u decide urself, no one is perfect ever in this World. *And shut up to those who kept telling me this is my Food Account & I should only publish about Food, which I seem to know coz I do Care. I only ever post Hong Kong food from Historical to Modern Dim Sums view to protect about this sacred region and migrational food along the way in Asia, as its Proven History truly deserves its own merit.. I can't see why they can't both be combined together since I lived and loved here all my Life and it keeps the City Alive 🌎 我可以肯定地同你講我有自己理由, 先繼續行這步驟. 慢慢先放料但係當馬來西亞 Dr. MAHATHIR 已經開到聲咗叫林鄭落台是上策. 佢條友精過鬼 梗係有個理由先講出口. You could ask me and I will explain anytime, but thus far I ain't getting much accurate questions to the likes of F1 @Lewishamilton 5 Time Champion quality to be super precise.. But he is Concentrating on his 6th Reign & Title. But I remember he saying, he wanted to owe something to his past with Hong Kong. And please do Help if u have any spare capacity, but we all understand your Hands are full with the Championship fight and beyond 😎😍
speak up vs speak out 在 Lindie Botes Youtube 的最佳貼文
Hi friends ? In today's video we're talking about changing language learning methods to find what really works for you. Vocabulary, grammar, speaking, textbooks, tutors, flashcards, fluency... it's all here ??
Over the years I've changed my methods to work better. I used to think flashcards are awesome, but realised over time they weren't giving me the results ? Now I've adjusted things. There are some other things I've grown out of and changed my mindsets about - so grab some tea and snacks and let's chat!
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14:01 When are you fluent in a language?
16:35 Can you learn without a textbook?
17:52 Endddd
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speak up vs speak out 在 MONGABONG Youtube 的最佳貼文
This was one of my favourite videos to shoot for #VlogmaswithMong2020! In this episode, my wonderful interns do my makeup and we had so much fun shooting this! I'm sure you guys will find the looks they came up with really interesting haha! Which team do you guys think deserve to win? ❤️️
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Hello! My name is Mong Chin and I'm from sunny Singapore. I am 1.63m and I am Singaporean Chinese. I speak English, Mandarin and am currently learning Korean in my free time. I love all things beauty and fashion, and I also like to share my life here. I hope you guys enjoy watching my videos!
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speak up vs speak out 在 Xiaomanyc 小马在纽约 Youtube 的精選貼文
Sign up to Babbel today to get 50% off 6 months for a limited time only: https://bit.ly/Xiaomanyc Today I’m chatting with Jonny who grew up in the Chinese province of Sichuan and speaks Mandarin and the local dialect of Sichuanese at a level practically indistinguishable from an ordinary native speaker. He went to local Chinese schools in China and took classes in Chinese and made Chinese friends just like any other Chinese kid!
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speak up vs speak out 在 The Practice and Ethics of Public Speaking - Table of Contents 的推薦與評價
Stand Up, Speak Out: The Practice and Ethics of Public Speaking. v. 1.0. Table of Contents. Licensing Information · Preface · Chapter 1: Why Public Speaking ... ... <看更多>
speak up vs speak out 在 "Speak Up! Speak Out!" - Home | Facebook 的推薦與評價
Speak Up ! Speak Out! (SUSO), part of UT's Annette Strauss Institute for Civic Life, is an empowering program that engages high school and middle school ... ... <看更多>