【Live七區升中策略| 周三晚】本周三教育LIVE, 感謝教育中心商會的任Sir蘇Sir 邀請,與七區教師分享升中策略。我分享完:#選校如選股看廣告更要細看學校文件 後,就可以坐返後台幫7區教師,回答家長問題(Facebook 問)
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【升中選校網上答問大會】協助全港家長 回答選校問題
第一擊: 葵青區/南區/油尖旺區/ 深水埗區/黃大仙區/觀塘區/屯門區
日期:1月6日 星期三
時間:晚上 8pm~10pm
地點:各教師專頁網上直播
費用:全免
講座內容:
1. 馮智政- 「選校如選股」看廣告更要細看學校文件
2. The Loving Tree Education(南區) 課程總監 任偉豪-「如何跨區選校?」+「南區選校分析」
3. 高科技教育中心 蘇sir - 「自行選校是否要進取?」+「葵青區選校分析」
4. 康琳教育 Miss Isabel- 「油尖旺區選校分析」
5. 樂年補習中心 Miss Pang - 「深水埗區選校分析」
6. 憶教育 張sir - 「黃大仙區選校分析」
7. 天天學習教育中心 林sir - 「觀塘區選校分析」
8. 風穎教育 大鄭sir - 屯門區選校策略分析
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登記方法:贊好此專頁及把此帖文分享,6/1晚在此專頁收看直播
The Loving Tree 兒童英語學校
Stand-up Education
Honglam Wise Education Centre 康琳教育中心
樂年補習中心 Cronin Tutorial Centre
憶教育
天天學習教育中心
風穎教育 屯門栢麗總校 Fung Wing Education
stand up education centre 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
泰晤士報人物專訪【Joshua Wong interview: Xi won’t win this battle, says Hong Kong activist】
Beijing believes punitive prison sentences will put an end to pro-democracy protests. It couldn’t be more wrong, the 23-year-old says.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/joshua-wong-interview-xi-wont-win-this-battle-says-hong-kong-activist-p52wlmd0t
For Joshua Wong, activism began early and in his Hong Kong school canteen. The 13-year-old was so appalled by the bland, oily meals served for lunch at the United Christian College that he organised a petition to lobby for better fare. His precocious behaviour earned him and his parents a summons to the headmaster’s office. His mother played peacemaker, but the episode delivered a valuable message to the teenage rebel.
“It was an important lesson in political activism,” Wong concluded. “You can try as hard as you want, but until you force them to pay attention, those in power won’t listen to you.”
It was also the first stage in a remarkable journey that has transformed the bespectacled, geeky child into the globally recognised face of Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy. Wong is the most prominent international advocate for the protests that have convulsed the former British colony since last summer.
At 23, few people would have the material for a memoir. But that is certainly not a problem for Wong, whose book, #UnfreeSpeech, will be published in Britain this week.
We meet in a cafe in the Admiralty district, amid the skyscrapers of Hong Kong’s waterfront, close to the site of the most famous scenes in his decade of protest. Wong explains that he remains optimistic about his home city’s prospects in its showdown with the might of communist China under President Xi Jinping.
“It’s not enough just to be dissidents or youth activists. We really need to enter politics and make some change inside the institution,” says Wong, hinting at his own ambitions to pursue elected office.
He has been jailed twice for his activism. He could face a third stint as a result of a case now going through the courts, a possibility he treats with equanimity. “Others have been given much longer sentences,” he says. Indeed, 7,000 people have been arrested since the protests broke out some seven months ago; 1,000 of them have been charged, with many facing a sentence of as much as 10 years.
There is a widespread belief that Beijing hopes such sentences will dampen support for future protests. Wong brushes off that argument. “It’s gone too far. Who would imagine that Generation Z and the millennials would be confronting rubber bullets and teargas, and be fully engaged in politics, instead of Instagram or Snapchat? The Hong Kong government may claim the worst is over, but Hong Kong will never be peaceful as long as police violence persists.”
In Unfree Speech, Wong argues that China is not only Hong Kong’s problem (the book’s subtitle is: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now). “It is an urgent message that people need to defend their rights, against China and other authoritarians, wherever they live,” he says.
At the heart of the book are Wong’s prison writings from a summer spent behind bars in 2017. Each evening in his cell, “I sat on my hard bed and put pen to paper under dim light” to tell his story.
Wong was born in October 1996, nine months before Britain ceded control of Hong Kong to Beijing. That makes him a fire rat, the same sign of the Chinese zodiac that was celebrated on the first day of the lunar new year yesterday. Fire rats are held to be adventurous, rebellious and garrulous. Wong is a Christian and does not believe in astrology, but those personality traits seem close to the mark.
His parents are Christians — his father quit his job in IT to become a pastor, while his mother works at a community centre that provides counselling — and named their son after the prophet who led the Israelites to the promised land.
Like many young people in Hong Kong, whose housing market has been ranked as the world’s most unaffordable, he still lives at home, in South Horizons, a commuter community on the south side of the main island.
Wong was a dyslexic but talkative child, telling jokes in church groups and bombarding his elders with questions about their faith. “By speaking confidently, I was able to make up for my weaknesses,” he writes. “The microphone loved me and I loved it even more.”
In 2011, he and a group of friends, some of whom are his fellow activists today, launched Scholarism, a student activist group, to oppose the introduction of “moral and national education” to their school curriculum — code for communist brainwashing, critics believed. “I lived the life of Peter Parker,” he says. “Like Spider-Man’s alter-ego, I went to class during the day and rushed out to fight evil after school.”
The next year, the authorities issued a teaching manual that hailed the Chinese Communist Party as an “advanced and selfless regime”. For Wong, “it confirmed all our suspicions and fears about communist propaganda”.
In August 2012, members of Scholarism launched an occupation protest outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. Wong told a crowd of 120,000 students and parents: “Tonight we have one message and one message only: withdraw the brainwashing curriculum. We’ve had enough of this government. Hong Kongers will prevail.”
Remarkably, the kids won. Leung Chun-ying, the territory’s chief executive at the time, backed down. Buoyed by their success, the youngsters of Scholarism joined forces with other civil rights groups to protest about the lack of progress towards electing the next chief executive by universal suffrage — laid out as a goal in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s constitution. Their protests culminated in the “umbrella movement” occupation of central Hong Kong for 79 days in 2014.
Two years later, Wong and other leaders set up a political group, Demosisto. He has always been at pains to emphasise he is not calling for independence — a complete red line for Beijing. Demosisto has even dropped the words “self-determination” from its stated goals — perhaps to ease prospects for its candidates in elections to Legco, the territory’s legislative council, in September.
Wong won’t say whether he will stand himself, but he is emphatically political, making a plea for change from within — not simply for anger on the streets — and for stepping up international pressure: “I am one of the facilitators to let the voices of Hong Kong people be heard in the international community, especially since 2016.”
There are tensions between moderates and radicals. Some of the hardliners on the streets last year considered Wong already to be part of the Establishment, a backer of the failed protests of the past.
So why bother? What’s the point of a city of seven million taking on one of the world’s nastiest authoritarian states, with a population of about 1.4 billion? And in any case, won’t it all be over in 2047, the end of the “one country, two systems” deal agreed between China and Britain, which was supposed to guarantee a high degree of autonomy for another 50 years? Does he fear tanks and a repetition of the Tiananmen Square killings?
Wong acknowledges there are gloomy scenarios but remains a robust optimist. “Freedom and democracy can prevail in the same way that they did in eastern Europe, even though before the Berlin Wall fell, few people believed it would happen.”
He is tired of the predictions of think-tank pundits, journalists and the like. Three decades ago, with the implosion of communism in the Soviet bloc, many were confidently saying that the demise of the people’s republic was only a matter of time. Jump forward 20 years, amid the enthusiasm after the Beijing Olympics, and they were predicting market reforms and a growing middle class would presage liberalisation.
Neither scenario has unfolded, Wong notes. “They are pretending to hold the crystal ball to predict the future, but look at their record and it is clear no one knows what will happen by 2047. Will the Communist Party even still exist?”
https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1119445/unfree-speech
stand up education centre 在 潮媽與溱溱 ๑OㅂO๑ Facebook 的精選貼文
這些才是真正的香港人💪🏻 ❤️
加油啊!💪🏻💪🏻💪🏻💪🏻💪🏻
😭好感動🙏🏻🙏🏻🙏🏻🙏🏻
「雲海突發消息」
繼琴晚有三百幾個公務員EO向政府公開聲明之後,簡直陸續有嚟!今朝到我出手啦!話說琴晚深夜有在職公務員主動聯絡我,表示佢哋聯繫左超過44個部門同事、超過230位公務員、不單只EO而是跨職級,由文書助理到行政主任AO等等,向現在香港政府及林鄭特首發出嚴厲聲明,不滿現在特區政府處理事件手法及態度,強烈要求特首回應市民!佢哋希望我代表佢哋發放呢封信件以及向香港外國傳媒發放呢個信件!我當然應承啦!因為我覺得整件事好有「象徵意義 」,非常symbolic!一個過去20幾年專門對付政府專門投訴政府部門嘅投訴達人,今時今日竟然我哋係企埋同一陣線,由我代佢哋轉達及公開發放呢封信件!簡直就係香港歷史破天荒!以下係其中相關資料:
「聯署經核實為44個決策局/部門/單位, 共235位政府人員職員身份證明」
以下係這封235位公務員嘅聯署中英文聲明信:
「致特別行政區首長林鄭月娥女士公開信
致香港特別行政區首長林鄭月娥女士、行政會議成員、各位司長、局長及立法會議員
作為香港公務員的一份子,我們一直默默耕耘,為社會及香港市民提供優質服務,並堅守一貫的中立態 度,支持著政府各部門的良好運作,這是我們一直引以自豪的工作,亦是身為香港人的一份驕傲。 過 去的兩個月,香港人參與了一連串反對修例的遊行集會,數以百萬計的市民站出來表達訴求,守護香 港,體現對香港的愛護和關心。可惜,政府一直依然故我,拒絕耹聽大眾的聲音,違背服務市民的承 諾。
7月21日晚上在元朗有大批白衣暴徒襲擊市民,以武器攻擊路經群眾甚至記者,令無辜市民受傷,令人 髮指。雖然當晚有大批市民報警求助,但警方未有及時派員到場保護市民及捉拿暴徒,令人對警方執法 能力存疑,有負市民期望。其做法令人懷疑政黑勾結,除了令市民對警隊信心盡失外,亦令公務員質疑 政府機構並非為民服務,更甚者令公務員成為社會撕裂的幫兇。
當社會上大多數人認為政府決策出現問題,我們身為公僕理應適切回應人民訴求。我們今天決定打破沉 默,站出來強烈要求政府直接面對民意。
我們強烈要求政府回應民間的五大訴求,即(一)完全撤回逃犯條例修訂、(二)追究警察開槍鎮壓、 (三)不檢控和釋放反對逃犯條例修訂的示威者、(四)撤銷定性6月12日集會為暴動、(五)促請林 鄭月娥、鄭若驊、李家超及盧偉聰等官員問責下台,並要求成立由大法官主持,有廣泛公信力的獨立調 查委員會,調查警方處理自6月9日以來的衝突手法及盡快履行基本法所賦予香港市民的雙普選權利,使 香港成為一個真正自由、民主的社會。
我們以七月二十四日拍攝的職員證明文件為憑, 收集了覆蓋政府大部分不同部門的員工強而有力的控 訴, 強烈要求當權者直接面對民意。
如政府繼續漠視民意,我們將籌備具體工業行動,謙卑地與廣大香港的市民同行,克盡我們服務市民的 「公僕」身份。
一群來自以下不同部門的公務員敬上
漁農自然護理署
建築署
屋宇署
民眾安全服務隊
民航處
公司註冊處
香港海關
衛生署
律政司
渠務署
教育局
機電工程署
環境保護署
香港消防處
食物及環境衛生署
食物及衛生局 香港司機職工總會 政府產業署 路政署 民政事務局 民政事務處 香港房屋委員會 警務處(文職) 香港郵政 入境事務處 稅務局 創新科技署 知識產權署 司法機構
勞工處
土地註冊處
地政總署 康樂及文化事務署 通訊事務管理局辦公室 政府資訊科技總監辦公室 公共衛生檢測中心 (衛生署) 香港電台
差餉物業估價署
選舉事務處
社會福利署
工業貿易署
庫務署
水務署
在職家庭及學生資助事務處
(共44個決策局/部門/單位, 共235位政府人員職員身份證明) (鳴謝 BeWater HK, 翻譯組)
25/07/2019 ####### (English version)
Dear Chief Executive of the HKSAR Mrs Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, members of the Executive Committee, Secretaries of Departments and Bureaux and Members of Legislative Council,
As members of the civil servants of Hong Kong, we have been working incessantly over the years to offer our citizens with quality service and take a neutral stance that supports the government departments for their smooth operations. We are always proud of our jobs and being citizens of Hong Kong.
For the past two months, Hong Kong people have participated in a series of marches and rallies. Millions of citizens have expressed their demands, showed their concern and caring for protecting their beloved Hong Kong. Unfortunately, the Government has refused to listen to the public and remained its own way of act, violating its compromise to serve the citizens.
In the evening of 21 of July, there was a large group of rioters in white shirt attacking citizens in Yuen Long; they used weapons to attack protestors returning home, journalists, and even bystanders, causing innocent citizens injured, making one's hair stand up in anger. Although many calls were made to the police, they had not sent force in time to protect those citizens and arrested the rioters in time, which made people have doubts whether the police had the ability to enforce the law. Their failure in enforcing the law had disappointed citizens and people worldwide. The police’s lack of response
on July 21 had made people suspect the government colluding with triads. This had not only caused citizens to lose confidence in the police, but also made civil servants suspect that the government departments are not aimed to serve citizens faithfully and are making civil servants accomplices tearing apart the society.
When the majority in the society disagrees with the policy made by our government, being civil servants, we should respond to public’s demands reasonably. Today we decided to break our silence, to strongly urge the government to respond to those demands.
We strongly demand the Government to respond to the five major appeals of the society, i.e., (1) withdraw completely the Extradition Law Amendment Bill, (2) pursue the responsibility of the Police Force for firing armaments and their suppression, (3) stop all prosecutions and release the protestors, (4) retract the characterization of the assembly on 12 June as a riot, (5) step down and fulfill the pledge of accountability by government officials including Chief Executive Carrie Lam, Secretary of Justice Teresa Cheng, Secretary of Security John Lee, Commissioner of Police Stephen Lo. Furthermore, we demand the establishment of highly credible Independent Probe held by chief judges, to investigate into the way the police dealt with the clashes with protestors since 9 of June and to honour the commitment of the Basic Law to grant all citizens of Hong Kong the right to dual universal suffrage, so to make Hong Kong become truly free and democratic society.
The evidence we shown here are photos taken on 24/7. They show different staff ID cards collected from most of the departments under the Hong Kong government, representing their request to the potentate: "Response to the will of the people directly”.
If the Government continues to ignore public opinion, we will organise concrete industrial actions, so that we could humbly join hands with the community at large and fulfill our responsibility as servants of our fellow citizens.
Yours truly,
A group of civil servants from the following departments and bureaux:
Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department Architectural Services Department
Buildings Department
Civil Aid Service
Civil Aviation Department Companies Registry
Customs and Excise Department Department of Health Department of Justice Drainage Service Department Education Bureau
Electrical and Mechanical Service Department Environmental Protection Department
Fire Service Department
Food and Environmental Hygiene Department Food and Health Bureau
Government Drivers Union Government Property Agency Highways Department
Home Affairs Bureau
Home Affairs Department
Hong Kong Housing Authority
Hong Kong Police Force (Civilian Staff)
Hongkong Post
Immigration Department
Inland Revenue Department
Innovation and Technology Commission
Intellectual Property Department
Judiciary
Labour Department
Land Registry
Lands Department
Leisure and Cultural Services Department
Office of the Communications Authority
Office of the Government Chief Information Officer
Public Health Laboratory Centre (Department of Health) Radio Television Hong Kong
Rating and Valuation Department
Registration and Electoral Office
Social Welfare Department
Trade and Industry Department
Treasury
Water Supplies Department
Working Family and Student Financial Assistance Agency
25/7/2019
(Totally 44 Bureau/Departments/Units,235 numbers of proof of identity as Government staff) (Credits to BeWater HK, Translation Unit)
Last modified: 9:05 am」
Ps若果有網媒想轉述,無任歡迎!想搵呢次聲明信件相關公務員訪問可私底下聯絡我!
公務員加油!we connect this time!