利迷之間瘋傳嘅超長文,感謝呢位師兄譯得咁傳神!睇到好激動!睇完更加覺得利迷可以有高普帶領球隊係全世界最幸福嘅球迷。
記得因為古仔單嘢,有好多對球會批評嘅聲音同不利嘅傳聞,令到球會上下都好大壓力。報導入面有句咁講:「高普其中一樣天賦就係對人嘅信任」,作為球迷,我會學習高普,選擇相信,無論係邊一個崗位,大家都要團結一致,支持利物浦再創新高峰。
https://www.facebook.com/groups/OLSCHKSAR/permalink/10156466140299828/
最近有篇超長文講高普,唔想睇英文又唔想Google Translate?冇問題,今次有母語翻譯!每句英粵對照,唔想睇英文嘅就Skip嚟睇啦
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[母語翻譯]
From Hong Kong to Kiev:
At the end of the storm,
there's a golden sky...
由香港到基輔:
暴雨過後 總有晴天
The inside story of how Jurgen Klopp
weathered the worst to lead Liverpool
into the Champions League final
究竟高普點樣帶住利物浦捱過風浪殺入歐聯決賽
By Melissa Reddy
"And now, we will go to Kiev. It sounds crazy, but it's true."
“我哋嚟緊就去基輔。聽起嚟痴撚線,但係真㗎。“
The downpours, pelting over Kowloon as though they were bullets from above, had finally subsided. For Liverpool, however, this was the inception of the storm.
嚟香港踢波先落狗屎,唔同連個天都唔鍾意我。但原來對利物浦嚟講,果日只係惡夢嘅開始。
Before the sun could fully crack through the scattered clouds that Friday morning in Hong Kong last July 21st, Jurgen Klopp’s phone screen was crowded with notifications from sporting director, Michael Edwards, and Fenway Sports Group president, Mike Gordon.
舊年7月21號,打鑼咁早,身在香港嘅高普部電話已經畀體育總監Michael Edwards同FSG總裁Mike Gordon嘅message震爆咗。
The news being broken to the manager - the club had instantly rejected a £72 million bid from Barcelona for Philippe Coutinho - was yesterday’s back-page buffet in the United Kingdom courtesy of the seven-hour time difference.
喺高普同隊波仲瞓緊覺果時,球會已經拒絕咗巴塞羅拿對古天奴7200萬鎊嘅開價。
Klopp’s designs for the pre-season tour had already been scaled back due to monsoon conditions that prompted cancelled training sessions and improvised workouts.
高普嘅季前熱身計劃本身已經畀香港嘅天氣打亂咗,原有嘅訓練只可以改為體能訓練。
It was this development, though, which had the potential to cyclone through their preparations for 2017-18.
但呢鑊就真係堅,隨時將成季嘅部署打亂晒。
Liverpool could not have been more unambiguous in their response to the offer: there would be no summer sale, regardless of how much the fee shot up.
利物浦嘅官方回應好堅定:無論幾多錢,今個夏天都唔會賣。
Undisguised, too, was the fact La Liga’s giants would return armed with a traditional media offensive that would pack more of a punch than their improved proposals.
而另一方面,更加肯定嘅係,呢支西甲班霸唔會就咁放棄,佢哋媒體喉舌嘅攻勢比起佢哋嘅叫價更加凌厲。
The only variable surrounded the focal point. What was Coutinho, who had signed a new five-year deal without a release clause that January, thinking?
唯一唔肯定嘅係,究竟啱啱喺1月簽咗5年約嘅古天奴點諗呢?
As Klopp entered the private assembly room for breakfast at the palatial Ritz-Carlton, the answer immediately presented itself. The 25-year-old, inner turmoil tinting his facial features, was on edge with “an instant difference in his body language,” according to observers.
當高普行入香港Ritz-Carlton酒店準備畀球隊食早餐果間房嘅時候,即刻明晒。古天奴嘅面部表情同身體語言都話畀大家知,佢心入面十五十六。
So this was a problem. Klopp walked over to Coutinho to schedule a talk for that evening, when they had an honest and respectful exchange.
呢個係一個問題。高普同古天奴講,約定傍晚攤牌講清楚。
Liverpool could not simply delete their plans for the season on account of Barcelona being unprepared for the loss of Neymar to Paris Saint-Germain, the Reds boss explained.
高普話,巴塞羅拿戇鳩鳩畀尼馬走咗去巴黎聖日耳門,唔代表利物浦就要跟住一齊柒㗎嘛。
It was a point he circled back to, while also emphasising that the timing was wrong, as was the message it would send about the club.
高普不停重複呢一點,佢仲提到, 呢刻賣人時機錯晒,而且外界會點樣睇利物浦呢?
Coutinho understood that, but highlighted the sacrifices his wife, Aine, and parents had made for his career. The future revolved around them as much as it did his own ambitions.
古天奴好明白,但佢提到佢老婆Aine同埋佢父母已經為佢嘅職業犧牲好多。諗將來嘅時候佢除咗考慮自己嘅目標,亦都要考慮屋企人。
He was happy at Liverpool, he loved the club, he was full of gratitude… But this was Barcelona. And beyond that, it represented a lifestyle change for his family, who could function within a culture so much closer to their own.
佢喺利物浦好開心。佢好鍾意隊波,亦都心存感激。但係,果隊係巴塞喎。除此之外,轉會仲代表生活上重大嘅轉變,搬去果邊嘅文化會更加適合佢屋企。
Klopp acknowledged Coutinho’s thought process, but repeated that it was about Liverpool and this was not the right thing for the club, for his teammates, or for their season ambitions.
高普好明白古天奴嘅思路,但佢再次強調,呢個係利物浦嘅問題,呢個對隊波唔係好事,對班波同對佢哋今季嘅大計都唔係好事。
The message was reinforced privately by Edwards and the ownership before a public declaration.
喺發出官方聲明之前,Edwards同老闆都分別私底下向古天奴重申呢幾點。
/“We wish to offer clarity as regards our position on a possible transfer of Philippe Coutinho,” read a statement on the club’s official website on August 11 2017, which highlighted their “definitive stance is that no offers for Philippe will be considered and he will remain a member of Liverpool FC when the summer window closes.”
“我們特此重申有關古天奴轉會一事之立場” 球會於2017年8月11日發出官方聲明“任何對古天奴的開價均不會被考慮,他於夏季轉會窗關閉時將繼續是利物浦的一員”/
Through the clinking glasses and guffaws, there is thick blend of relief and defiance daubing the atmosphere in the Freshfield area of Formby.
利物浦附近嘅一個小鎮 Formby 充斥住杯碟聲同埋歡笑聲。
It is Saturday, January 6 2018, where a long-scheduled New Year’s celebration for Liverpool’s staff at the Klopp residence has coincided with the £142m sale of Coutinho to Barcelona.
今年1月6號星期六,成班利物浦嘅職球員喺高普屋企開緊Party。無獨有偶,球會啱啱公佈古天奴將會以1億4200萬鎊身價加盟巴塞。
The news had been released shortly before the flow of Monkey 47 gin and a catalogue of German lager at the gathering, with the message following the announcement on the club’s official website entirely scripted by the manager.
呢個消息都係喺佢地呢個不醉無歸嘅聚會之前無耐公佈,而呢篇球會嘅官方聲明其實係出自高普手筆。
/“Players will come and players will go, that is football, but as a club we are big enough and strong enough to continue with our aggressive progression on the pitch, even when we lose an important player. We have never been in a better position in recent times, as a club, to react in the right way. We will use our size and strength to absorb moments like this and still move forward.”
“有出先有入,足球係咁㗎啦。但我哋作為一間球會,即使無咗一個重要嘅球員,都應該夠堅強喺球場上繼續拼搏。我哋而家處於近年嚟最好嘅時間去應對呢個轉變,我哋應該夠強大去適應然後繼續向前。”/
That night, as the spine of the football staff and their partners made his home their own, Klopp may as well have had the words inked on his appearance.
果晚,當球員帶埋佢地嘅另一半去到高普屋企嘅時候,大家都睇得出高普嘅心情寫晒喺塊面度。
The party, defined as “symbolic” and “powerful” had an element of toasting to Coutinho’s contribution at Liverpool, but at the same time, there was a sense of middle fingers flying in the direction of the doom decorating his departure.
有人事後形容果晚嘅派對好有象徵意義同力量。個Party其實亦都係為咗感謝古天奴對球隊嘅貢獻,但同時似乎大家都對佢嘅離開暗地裡媽聲四起。
Whatever followed, those present felt they were in this together. They believed in each other, in the roster, that the addition of Virgil van Dijk would make Liverpool stronger, that there was more than enough snarl as a collective to continue on an upward trajectory.
無論如何,出席嘅球員都感覺到大家喺同一條船。佢哋相信大家,而且相信雲迪克加盟之後隊波會更加強大,越踢越好。
That Klopp, above all, subscribed so religiously to this thinking translated into others sharing his conviction.
而高普就不斷將呢個信念向成班波洗腦。
Liverpool would not just be fine, Liverpool would be fucking flying.
利物浦唔只會掂,仲要係好撚掂。
Klopp was a portrait of confidence and composure, but the previous five months had been stressful for the former Borussia Dortmund trainer.
高普一直係自信同冷靜嘅化身。但過去5個月,呢位前多蒙特嘅領隊承受住好大壓力。
It went against his entire nature, heavily built around empathy, to see a player so sewn in distress. He treasured Coutinho professionally as well as personally and agonised over what the saga was doing to the Brazil international.
呢個同佢嘅天性相反。佢對古天奴受嘅巨大壓力充滿住同情,而且佢喺個人同足球層面都好欣賞古天奴,對於佢喺呢場轉會風波入面所受嘅折磨亦感同身受。
Klopp imagined what it was like for him at home. He was torn by the impact it was potentially having on his wife and young daughter.
高普曾經想像如果係佢自己,佢老婆同咁細個嘅女所受嘅影響,佢感到更加痛苦。
The manager knew how he'd feel if one of his own kids were going through that situation, or if his partner was being affected by it.
佢好明白如果係佢嘅仔女面對咁嘅情況,或者係佢老婆受到嘅影響會係幾咁大。
Part of Klopp’s weaponry is sagacity, drilling deep to appreciate what drives those that line up under him or work alongside him.
高普其中一個強項就係佢嘅睿智。佢識得深入了解幫佢做嘢嘅人,佢哋嘅動力來源係乜嘢。
That he knew Coutinho, who is quite sensitive and counts his family as his axis, was cheerless made him so too.
而佢知道,古天奴係一個多愁善感嘅人。佢嘅屋企人就係佢嘅世界,而呢點亦係點解佢咁唔開心。
The 50-year-old is often cast as the centrepiece, revelling in attention. He is charismatic, and so is more than comfortable getting on the dance floor or grabbing the mic to create a rhapsodic environment.
呢位50歲嘅教頭經常都成為大家嘅焦點。佢好有魅力,而且好擅長製造開心熱鬧嘅環境氣氛。
But those who know him best insist Klopp is happiest sitting off and shining the spotlight on the ones he cares about having a good time.
但熟悉佢嘅人會知道,其實佢最鍾意嘅係坐埋一邊,睇住佢珍重嘅人做返主角接受群眾嘅目光。
He loves witnessing the initiation tradition of a player singing a song in front of all his teammates.
佢好鍾意一個傳統,就係叫一個球員喺隊友面前唱歌。
He adores the environment the squad have carved between themselves and the way they have married the serious (a strict fine system) with the humorous - Dejan Lovren’s ‘gaffer’ social media undressing stands out after he revealed his Champions League half-time rallying call at Manchester City.
佢好喜歡球隊嘅氣氛,可以將嚴肅(嚴格嘅罰款制度)同幽默結合,例如路夫蘭就喺社交媒體同球迷分享佢喺對曼城果場波半場休息嘅時候做更衣室大佬嘅事。
Klopp can also spend hours on YouTube watching videos of joyous supporters and has noted multiple times this season that watching the crowd develop and truly connect with the team has been special.
高普亦都好鍾意上YouTube睇球迷嘅片。佢多次提到睇住球迷真正同球隊連結埋一齊嘅感覺好特別。
So to view the opposite - to see sadness plague Coutinho - was piercing.
相反,睇住古天奴所受嘅折磨,亦令高普無比痛苦。
As such, if the decision was solely Klopp’s to make, the No.10’s switch to Spain would have been sanctioned before the start of 2017-18.
正因為咁,如果畀高普話晒事,佢開季前就會將古天奴賣去西班牙。
Never thinking he is always right, and knowing what he personally felt was trivial when juxtaposed with the full picture, the German supported the reasoning of Edwards, Gordon and the ownership in general.
高普唔係一個覺得自覺永遠啱嘅人。佢知道自己嘅感覺都係好表面嘅,當佢將成個大局擺喺眼前,佢都同意Edwards,Gordon同老闆嘅諗法。
It did not make sense then, that when the only route available for Coutinho to secure an exit was to go antagonist, his camp targeted the manager in their press onslaught, which only hardened FSG’s stance.
離奇嘅係,當時古天奴一方要離隊嘅唯一可能性就只能夠擺爛個款,而佢哋嘅陣營竟然以高普作為攻擊對象,咁樣結果只係加強咗FSG唔賣嘅決心。
Klopp hid it well, but the falsehoods over his relationship with Liverpool’s “genius,” plus the player’s manufactured unhappiness at the club did hurt - especially as he continued to publicly fight his corner.
雖然高普無表現出嚟,但果啲關於佢同古天奴關係惡劣嘅流言同埋古天奴為球隊帶嚟嘅唔開心,的確係傷害咗高普,特別係高普仲要出嚟喺公眾面前辯護。
Coutinho’s performances post the saga, especially on the continent, may have been seen as a fait accompli, but to get him to feature in the Champions League at all was an achievement.
古天奴喺呢次事件後嘅表現,尤其喺歐聯賽場,有目共睹。但派佢喺歐聯出場呢件事本身就已經唔簡單。
When it became apparent there was absolutely no twisting of Liverpool’s arm, the threat of not representing the club in Europe was still strongly being advocated by his advisors.
當知道利物浦嘅立場非常堅定之後,古天奴嘅軍師就極力主張古天奴拒絕喺歐聯上陣。
Gordon and Edwards toiled to surgically remove that and Klopp began reintegrating Coutinho, a process made simpler by his protection of the wantaway star.
Gordon同Edwards好辛苦咁解決咗呢個問題,高普亦重新將古天奴擺返入球隊嘅戰術體制入面,而高普千方百計咁喺公眾面前保護古天奴亦都令呢件事更加容易。
Despite the heckling and suspicious inverted commas each time the ‘back injury’ that sidelined the midfielder in August was mentioned, Klopp never deviated from his line - even when the issue was “only emotional” according to Brazil’s doctor during an international break.
雖然8月嘅時候,古天奴因“背傷”的確惹嚟唔少懷疑,即使巴西軍醫都話佢嘅背傷只係情緒問題,但高普始終如一支持球員。
Squad harmony and ensuring there were no further hiccups to the start of the season was paramount for Klopp - he did not mind being the subject of ridicule, which drew mass respect from the dressing room.
球隊嘅和諧對高普嚟講最為重要。佢唔介意成為事情嘅主角,咁就可以令傳媒嘅焦點離開更衣室。
10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1…
Happy New Year!
新年快樂!
2018 had only just ticked in, but it entered with the same complexity and concern Liverpool had enjoyed a temporary break from.
2018年啱啱開始,同時標誌住呢個困擾住利物浦嘅問題喺短暫嘅休息之後又再出現。
Barcelona were not so much knocking on the door as they were smashing through it. Coutinho’s desire to leave had not diminished despite his excellence behind a supreme frontline and the club preparing for their first Champions League knockout fixture since 2009.
巴塞羅拿今次唔只係敲門,可以講係撞門。雖然古天奴上半季留喺利物浦表現出色,而球隊亦自2009年以嚟第一次打入歐聯淘汰賽,但佢離隊嘅慾望並無消失。
Liverpool did not want a repeat of the upheaval of the summer, but conversely, neither did they want to cede the Brazilian during such a positive juncture.
利物浦唔想重演上個夏天嘅劇情,但另一方面亦唔想喺呢個重要關頭失去古天奴。
Against the tide, they attempted to persuade him to stay until the end of the season on very lucrative terms - a deal now effective later. However, there was no budging from Barca’s end nor his: Coutinho had been on Merseyside for five years and he was adamant: it was time to say goodbye.
利物浦嘗試挽留古天奴,以先簽約後離隊嘅方式留到季尾。但無論巴塞定係古天奴都寸步不讓:佢已經喺度踢咗5年,佢非常堅決係時候離隊。
As the days ticked on and the eventuality of a sale became more pronounced, Gordon was hugely concerned that the uplifting tone around the club would morph into one of unrest. He was insistent that any abuse should be funnelled towards him and the ownership, shielding Klopp and the squad from toxicity.
當轉會勢在必行,Gordon非常擔心咁樣會為一切都穩步上揚嘅球隊帶嚟負面影響。佢堅持所有外界嘅責難都應該由佢同董事會承擔,高普同球員唔應該受到牽連。
Through this period, though, there was no calmer person at Melwood than the manager and there was no way he wouldn’t front up.
喺呢段期間,成個Melwood無人比高普更加冷靜,亦都無人可以阻止佢對住傳媒頂硬上。
Klopp demanded that everyone relax, that this was just a football transfer, and so they should treat it as such and nothing more.
高普要求所有球員保持放鬆,呢單只係普通嘅足球轉會,大家唔需要諗太多,
If Liverpool did not want any drama around it, then it was imperative that they did not create a spectacle themselves.
如果利物浦唔想事情繼續發酵,佢哋首先就要唔好自己製造新嘅話題。
It was a transaction, not a tombstone for the Reds’ season.
呢單只係一單普通嘅交易,隊波嘅球季仲未完嘅。
The most significant factor was how the squad would react to the development. The Magician was loved by his peers, but additionally, there had been an episode that played on Klopp’s mind.
最重要嘅係隊波點樣面對呢個轉變。隊友都好鍾意古天奴,而有件事喺高普心入面揮之不去。
One August afternoon, a desperate Coutinho approached the senior players’ committee and pencilled in a talk in one of the meeting rooms on Melwood’s ground tier.
早喺8月嘅時候,有一日古天奴喺Melwood一間會議室入面同球隊嘅“一隊球員委員會”開會。
He appealed to them to change the club’s mind, and while he knew the squad wanted him to stay, he also figured fellow professionals would recognise why he felt this was a ‘dream step’ that was critical to take.
佢希望球會可以改變決定。佢知道球隊希望佢留低,但佢亦深信隊友會明白佢為夢想而行嘅呢一步。
For all the chicanery that occurred during the summer window, it was the folding of his teammates into the fuss that most annoyed Klopp.
而最令高普擔憂嘅係其他隊友焦急嘅心情。
So when the deal was done and Coutinho was off, the manager rounded up the full group in the dressing room at the training complex and delivered an incisive address.
當轉會已成定局,高普召集所有球員,喺訓練場嘅更衣室向佢哋訓話。
The message was that they'd lost a great player and a friend, but it was no more than that. He told them to not give anyone on the outside a chance to say that Phil going has affected their season.
高普最主要嘅訊息係,佢哋係喪失咗一個好球員,但亦只係少咗一個好球員咁大把。最重要嘅係唔好畀外面嘅人有任何機會話古天奴嘅離開影響咗我哋嘅球季。
Klopp mentioned that the scrutiny would increase, but he didn't believe it would hamper Liverpool in a negative way. It was important for the team to believe the same, because if they allowed his exit to be an excuse, Liverpool were weak.
高普話佢相信出面嘅批評會越嚟越多,但佢唔覺得球隊會受到任何負面影響。隊波一定要有呢個信念,呢樣係好重要,否則如果球隊畀呢樣嘢成為藉口,咁利物浦就太軟弱。
He reminded his players they could decide whether people said their collective genius had walked out the door with Coutinho.
高普提醒球員,佢哋有能力話畀全世界知道,佢哋加埋嘅力量係咪都畀古天奴一個拎走晒。
/"This is us. On we go."
丟那媽 頂硬上/
Liverpool had anticipated a thunderstorm, and when the whistle for the interval went at the Etihad, they were relieved for the respite from Manchester City’s electric onslaught.
利物浦預咗場波會好難踢,而當半場嘅哨子聲響起嘅時候,佢哋即刻鬆一口氣,可以暫時忘記曼城喺主場瘋狂嘅攻勢。
The scoreline was only 1-0 to Pep Guardiola’s men on the night, and still 3-1 to the visitors on aggregate in the Champions League quarter-finals, but those first 45 minutes were punishing.
比數只係1-0,對於作客嘅利物浦嚟講兩回合計仲係領先緊3-1。但呢45分鐘嘅歐聯八強可以話係一種折磨。
Klopp’s half-time routine is consistent home and away. He speeds from the touchline to the dressing room, takes off his jacket and convenes with assistant coach Peter Krawietz, who has selected crucial in-match clips along with analysts Harrison Kingston and Mark Leyland.
高普每次嘅半場休息都係一樣,主場同作客都係。佢會由球場跑入更衣室,除咗件外套,集合埋已經剪好咗上半場精華嘅助教Peter Krawietz,同埋兩位分析員,Harrison Kingston 同 Mark Leyland。
The footage they slice is never usually of a goal being conceded or scored, but examples of how to avoid the former or ensure the latter by highlighting the positioning of the defensive line or where the best offensive spaces are.
佢哋揀嘅片通常都唔係重溫失波或者入波,而係講解防線嘅企位點樣防止失波,同埋點樣利用進攻嘅空位爭取入波。
At City, there was a deviation. Lovren had been shouting, telling the team to ‘wake up,’ that they weren’t showing enough belief and were allowing Kevin De Bruyne and co to do as they please.
而今次嚟到曼城,情況有啲唔同。路夫蘭大聲喝醒班隊友,話佢哋信心唔夠同埋畀迪布尼太多空位。
Klopp pounced on this as the perfect opening for his own message and so he broke away from his normal process, allowing the centre-back to speak for just under a minute before then commanding the room.
高普覺得呢個會係一個好好嘅開場白,所以佢畀咗大概1分鐘路夫蘭講佢要講嘅嘢。
He started by agreeing with the Croatian, before pointing at Lovren and Van Dijk, saying they were killing the team by being too deep.
之後輪到高普,佢首先同意路夫蘭嘅講法,然後就話路夫蘭同雲迪克逗得太深,令場波好難踢。
He then calmly got his crucial information over: get higher, condense the pitch and stop City playing the passes that feed their strengths.
然後佢好冷靜咁指示球員:逗前啲,企密啲,唔好畀曼城咁多空位做波。
In possession, relax, orientate yourselves better and speed it up. He pointed out spaces available to break City’s press, helping Liverpool retain the ball and thwart the hosts’ constant flow of attacks.
控球果時保持冷靜,轉身然後加速。善用進攻空位突破曼城嘅迫搶,亦都可以減慢曼城嘅進攻。
Klopp then highlighted Alex Oxlade-Chamberlain’s chance at the end of the first half as the memory that would be playing on loop in the home dressing room.
佢特別提到張伯倫臨完半場前嘅一次機會。
He stressed that City had just seen what Liverpool were capable of and it would be terrifying them as all it would've taken was one successful attack to scorch Guardiola's charges.
佢話呢球畀曼城睇到利物浦嘅實力,而佢哋先應該係驚果一隊,因為我哋一次成功嘅進攻佢哋就玩完。
There was an element of 'so what the fuck are we doing still sitting here?' as he ordered them to go out and get back on the front foot.
“咁仲坐喺度做乜鳩吖”高普就趕咗隊波出球場準備。
While City were engulfed by the emotion of the occasion with Guardiola getting sent off at half-time, Liverpool used the break to reorganise.
當曼城仍然因為哥迪奧拿半場被趕離場而激動,利物浦就借呢個時候重整旗鼓。
Klopp’s ability to cut through everything and communicate concisely was visible through the first passage of play in which his side strung five to six consecutive passes together.
高普講解戰術嘅能力可以由利物浦下半場第一個攻勢連續五六下靚傳就睇到。
It culminated in Mohamed Salah’s opener on 56 minutes that effectively ended the tie, after Gini Wijnaldum fed Oxlade-Chamberlain.
利物浦好快就得到回報。56分鐘,韋拿度姆傳畀張伯倫,最後由沙拿射入,賽事就基本上大局已定。
The England international dissected City to supply the Egyptian, who along with Sadio Mane had worked to isolate and unsettle Aymeric Laporte, Fernandinho and Nicolas Otamendi as per instruction.
張伯倫劏穿咗曼城嘅防線,畀沙拿配合文尼,根據高普嘅指示搞掂咗拿撲迪,費蘭甸奴同奧達文迪。
Klopp is forever examined through his magnetism, but not his methods. People see the cool as fuck figure with his unkept stubble in a hoody and trainers, but not the tactical nerd obsessed with preparation and details.
高普最吸引人嘅係佢嘅魅力而唔係佢嘅教波或者戰術。大家睇到嘅高普都係著住運動衫同埋有一頭混亂嘅短髮,同果啲執著於準備戰術部署嘅大師風格完全唔同。
The storyline is dictated by the hugs, fist pumps and rantings, but should be about the composed leader, who is able to read the room and never ducks a big call.
完場嘅一刻充滿住擁抱,碰拳同埋咆哮。但係唔能夠遺忘嘅係呢位永不退縮嘅領袖。
Liverpool need only a point to secure Champions League football heading into the final top-flight game of the season against Brighton? Ok then, he'll just pick four attackers.
利物浦只需要喺白禮頓身上拎到1分就足夠確保下季歐聯參賽資格?無問題,出四個前鋒囉。
There is a misconception too that Klopp’s management is punctuated by Hollywood moments, that ‘Any Given Sunday’ type zingers are delivered on a daily.
大家都有個誤會,就係喺高普嘅領導之下,呢啲本應喺荷李活先出現嘅誇張劇情好似每日都會上演。
To this point, Andy Robertson and Oxlade-Chamberlain are often asked “what did Klopp say to you when things weren’t going well at the start of your Liverpool career?”
就住呢點,羅拔臣同張伯倫都曾經分別被問到“高普喺你哋啱啱加盟,表現唔係咁好嘅時候,同你哋講過啲咩?”
There is no cinematographic answer as there were no elaborate meetings or ground-shifting discussions.
無任何驚喜嘅答案,因為根本就無任何特別嘅對話或者照肺。
He told them to continue as they were, put in the work, and the time would come, things would align.
高普只係叫佢哋繼續努力,時機會嚟到,所有嘢就會好順利。
Klopp believes there is no point ballooning something beyond what it actually is, and that often, the best decision to take is none at all.
高普覺得,有時一動不如一靜。
He figures having ‘the talk’ can be self-indulgent and self-serving at times. If there is no certain benefit to a player, what exactly is the point?
佢覺得有時呢啲所謂對話,即係照肺,根本幫唔到球員,晒氣。
And if there is no massive issue, with the criticism existing externally, why should Klopp feed the notion that there is a problem by formally addressing it?
如果根本就無乜問題,只係外界係度亂咁批評,咁何必太認真看待?
Take Mane for example, who was slightly off colour for a period, snatching a little too much and overthinking every action.
以文尼為例,佢有段時間的確係失色咗啲,獨食咗啲,有啲決定慢咗啲。
In general, though, the speedster was still a threat, still being decisive and still ensuring that the front three functioned exceptionally while adding to his defensive duties.
但整體嚟講,佢仍然係前場一個威脅,仍然係決定性嘅,加上佢喺防守嘅貢獻,確保三把尖刀可以各自發揮作用。
There was never a big sit down with the Senegal international, simply a brief sort of ‘What’s up? Stop beating yourself up about any mistakes, I am very happy with you.’
高普從來都無坐低同文尼傾過啲咩問題,最多都只係“喂,唔使咁躁,你踢得好吖我好滿意。”
Mane found his own way through his stifled spell, aided by a sprinkling of encouragement rather than a lengthy tactical dissection.
文尼最後都走出低潮,靠嘅只係少少嘅鼓勵,而唔需要長篇大論嘅戰術分析。
Klopp doesn’t hesitate to assume control when a situation demands it - see Mamadou Sakho as a reference - but he dictates when necessary, not out of ego nor as an act.
當然,如果有需要,高普會毫不猶豫手起刀落介入問題,沙高就係一個例子。但佢只會喺客觀情況有必要嘅時候先會咁,而絕對唔係自我中心。
October 8, 2015
2015年10月8號
At Hope Street Hotel in Liverpool’s city centre, those who would now work closely with the club’s new manager were offered insight into the character behind the established caricature.
喺利物浦市中心嘅希望街設計酒店(Hope Street Hotel),一班而家同高普緊密合作嘅伙記當時就第一次見識到呢位領隊。
After Klopp signed a three-year deal worth an estimated £7m per season in the Sixth Boardroom, where Rafa Benitez had also ratified a contract with the club in 2004, he gathered the football staff for dinner.
高普同球會簽咗3年,每年值7百萬鎊嘅合約。佢簽約嘅地方同2004年賓尼迪斯同利物浦簽約嘅地方一樣。簽約之後,高普就約咗成班職員食晚飯。
Some expected a rousing speech from the German, others assumed it would be the introduction to Jurgen’s Law.
大家都預期高普會發表激勵嘅演說,或者先小人後君子講下自己帶波嘅規矩。
Instead, Klopp spoke very little, inviting everyone to tell him about themselves, their roles and how things worked at Liverpool - from training schedules to the matchday routine. He wanted to absorb as much information as possible.
但結果,高普無乜點講嘢。佢邀請所有人分別介紹自己,佢啲嘅崗位同職責,由訓練日程到比賽日嘅運作,佢都想知道多啲。
When it was time to talk through the media plan for his unveiling, Klopp was asked about his preferences when dealing with press. “No, no,” he responded, underlining that this was the communication team's field and they were the experts.
當講到應對媒體方面,高普話呢個係公關團隊嘅範疇同專業。
They had to tell him how it should be. They had to teach him.
佢會等佢哋指導佢點做。
One of the Stuttgart native’s gifts is trusting and turning to the people he works with, previously stating “I’m not a one-man show. I was never that in my life, and I never want to be that. The best lesson you can get in a day - to speak to smart people about things they know about much more about than you do.”
高普其中一樣天賦就係對人嘅信任。“我唔係單打獨鬥嘅人,我從來都唔係。每日最好嘅事就係同聰明嘅人傾計,聽佢哋講一啲佢哋比你叻好多嘅嘢。”
It is why when recruitment continuously pushed Salah to the forefront of the agenda for Liverpool’s incomings, Klopp co-signed their expertise.
咁就解釋咗點解當球探極力推薦沙拿嘅時候,高普毫不猶豫就投下信任一票。
He is across everything, but respects staff who take responsibility for their spheres of influence and are bold enough to settle on important decisions without informing him of each small detail.
高普好尊重所有同事喺佢哋自己嘅範疇工作,而且可以勇敢啲做決定,唔使事無大小都問准佢。
Klopp surrounds himself with strong personalities, and as such, perhaps that partly explains why his long-time assistant and friend, Zeljko Buvac, is expected to leave the club at the end of the season.
高普身邊有好多叻人一齊做嘢。或者正因為咁,佢嘅長期拍檔,Zeljko Buvac 預計將會係季尾離隊。
The Bosnian-Serb has been missing from the first-team fold since the end of April due to ‘personal reasons,’ and while no clarity has been offered on the situation, there is thought to be an element of discontent for Buvac over his standing in football.
呢位助教自從4月尾就因為私人理由缺席一隊嘅活動。外界盛傳其中一個原因係佢唔滿意自己喺對足球方面嘅意見唔夠被重視,而呢個傳聞亦一直無被正式澄清。
That his absence has not affected Liverpool behind the scenes is a nod to the strength of the individuals in the backroom team.
佢嘅缺席對利物浦影響似乎唔大正好證明球隊背後支援嘅團隊實力洪厚。
It is a strand that runs through the playing personnel as well, with proof in the non-upheaval following Coutinho’s winter departure.
呢點同球員喺古天奴離隊後嘅穩定表現有異曲同工之妙。
Just as the footballers have happily assumed more responsibility, so too have the coaching and support staff.
正如其他球員樂於承擔更多責任,職員亦都一樣。
“Incredibly healthy” has been a label used to describe the overall set-up at Melwood and when you consider the seamless adjustment of Van Dijk and Salah, it seems an accurate assessment.
有人形容Melwood 嘅分工安排係“非常健康”。當你睇到雲迪克同沙拿都可以咁快適應球隊,呢個講法似乎千真萬確。
Meanwhile, players that took a while to find their stride, like Robertson and Oxlade-Chamberlain, never felt walled off.
同時,一啲需要多啲時間適應嘅球員,例如羅拔臣同張伯倫,都無感到被遺忘。
Klopp empowered Henderson to cultivate the dressing room culture and the captain has promoted a togetherness many within the West Derby facility say they haven’t encountered before.
高普吩咐軒達臣負責更衣室裡面嘅氣氛同文化,而大家都認同呢位隊長為球隊帶嚟前所未有嘅團結。
The bond extends beyond the team to the non-football staff, who are part of the fabric of the place too. This is so much so, that even when players leave the fondness lingers.
呢股團結力量亦擴展至其他職員,甚至乎有啲球員離隊後仍然維持住對球隊嘅感情。
When Liverpool travelled to Rome for the second leg of their Champions League semi-final, Lucas Leiva sent back a surprise for popular canteen pairing Carol Farrell and Caroline Guest - signed Lazio shirts with a personal message for both.
當利物浦作客羅馬嘅時候,盧卡斯利華就準備咗拉素簽名波衫作為驚喜禮物送畀一對飯堂孖寶,Carol Farrel 同 Caroline Guest。
Meanwhile, it is in their domain - the dinning room - where Klopp and Edwards often strategise over breakfast or lunch beyond the more in-depth presentations on players. The duo, who both employ an open-door policy, enjoy an effortless relationship underpinned by mutual respect.
高普同Edwards經常都去到飯堂踩場,趁住食早餐或者午餐嘅時間,向球員做戰術指導。呢對飯堂孖寶都表示門常開,非常之歡迎大家。
And while the sporting director keeps a low profile as he prefers to do his job rather than talk about it, allowing him to make moves under the radar at times, Klopp appreciates that he is distinguished in his field and very decisive.
我哋嘅體育總監比較鍾意低調,不受注目,而高普就非常欣賞佢,喺佢嘅範疇十分之出色,亦好果斷。
The Reds boss is never shy to talk up the brilliance of the recruitment group, who are backed by a stellar research team run by Ian Graham.
高普亦毫不吝惜對由Ian Graham帶領嘅球探團隊嘅讚美。
And while Edwards is not the type to seek credit, Liverpool’s forward line - the most devastating in Europe this season - is largely his sketch.
雖然Edwards並唔鍾意領功,但其實利物浦而家嘅前場三叉戟,好大程度係佢嘅功勞。
Gordon assesses the dovetailing between the pair as a core canon for the club’s success. Klopp appreciates Edwards’ intelligence in assembling a team to effectively implement his aggressive blueprint, while the transfer chief is aware that signing a top player is purposeless without a top manager to extract every inch of their talent.
Gordon覺得兩人之間嘅合作係球會成功嘅重要武器。高普欣賞Edwards可以砌到隊波啱佢用,而呢位轉會話事人亦明白,幾好嘅球員都需要一個優秀嘅領隊先可以發揮所長。
The way the Reds have vaporised teams on the continent this season with their attacking venom has seen a spike in agents calling up to ascertain if there’d be any interest in their exciting clients.
利物浦今季令人聞風喪膽嘅表現令唔少經理人都蠢蠢欲動,想睇下利物浦對佢哋嘅球員有無興趣。
Liverpool are now the running train.
利物浦而家可以話係如日方中。
/'I could see myself here for the rest of my career'
我覺得自己淨低嘅職業生涯都會喺呢度。/
FSG were convinced, but how could they not have been? For nearly five years, he was the one: the ownership’s ideal manager, who remained just out of reach.
FSG都好有信心。等咗將近5年,佢就係管理層心儀嘅領隊人選。
In October 2015, however, he had finally become their one - Liverpool’s Jurgen Klopp.
2015年10月,高普終於成為利物浦領隊。
But it was only on a three-year deal. He had never lived outside of Germany, let alone managed in a different country, and while there were no doubts over his status as The Perfect Fit on the club’s end, Klopp was mindful of the adaptation both he and his family would have to undertake.
但當時佢只係簽咗一份3年嘅合約。佢從來未試過喺德國以外居住,更加唔好講帶一隊德國以外嘅球隊。雖然球會對高普充滿信心,但佢就難免顧慮佢同屋企人適應嘅問題。
The contract represented a realistic scenario rather than a romantic one. During a relaxed conversation in June 2016, however, he remarked that he could imagine being at Liverpool for the rest of his managerial career to Gordon.
合約終歸係現實嘅。之後喺2016年,佢提到自己可能可以將淨低嘅執教生涯都放係利物浦。
That put in motion an instant process to lock Klopp in after a quick discussion with principle owner John Henry and chairman Tom Werner.
球隊即刻事不宜遲,同老闆John Henry同主席Tom Werner簡單討論之後,就立即著手準備留住高普。
Within a matter of hours, fresh terms had been thrashed out with the manager’s agent, Marc Kosicke, and a new six-year deal was agreed.
話咁快,新合約就預備好,喺高普經理人Marc Kosicke嘅協助下,高普簽咗一份6年嘅合約。
Klopp had been on holiday in Ibiza before ferrying over to Formentera, the smallest of Spain’s Balearic islands in the Mediterranean Sea.
當時,高普正喺西班牙伊維薩島(Ibiza)放緊大假,佢之後再飛到地中海嘅福門特拉島(Formentera)繼續行程。
And on June 16, as he celebrated his 49th birthday, he also toasted signing on until 2022, with the news only being announced at the start of pre-season the following month.
喺6月16號,當佢慶祝緊49歲生日嘅同時,佢亦正式簽約擔任利物浦領隊直至2022年,而呢個好消息一直等到臨開季先向外公佈。
/"When you have an individual of Jurgen's quality in the building it makes perfect sense to secure that person for the long term. To not do so would be irresponsible."
“當你有一個好似高普咁有能力嘅人帶領球隊,無理由唔同佢簽份長約,否則係對球隊不負責任”/
Long before Henry, Werner and Gordon had first met with Klopp on October 1 2015 at the New York law offices of Shearman & Sterling, they had done extensive homework on his credentials.
遠喺Henry,Werner同Gordon第一次同高普喺2015年10月1號喺紐約一間律師樓見面之前,佢哋已經對高普做咗好多功課。
It was obvious that he was charming and a unifying figure, but they sharply realised there was endless substance beyond the soundbites and mad-scientist smile.
好明顯高普係一個有魅力而有凝聚力嘅人物,但佢哋好快就發現高普嘅功力唔只咁簡單。
Liverpool had craved a recognisable identity and here was a bonafide architect; a man worshipped in Mainz and Dortmund for his remarkable design work.
利物浦有令人景仰嘅歷史同身分,而高普正正就係一個優秀嘅建築師,佢喺緬因斯同多蒙特嘅出色表現已經係好好嘅證明。
They spoke for hours at the high-rise building on Lexington Avenue in Manhattan, chewing over everything from playing style to reawakening the fan base and reconvened the following day for further talks.
佢哋果日傾咗好耐。由球隊踢法到球迷覺醒,佢哋甚至好傾到要約定第二日繼續傾。
Klopp had made one particular point with regularity: Liverpool should be a force in Europe. And they could be. He would work to get them back amongst Europe’s elite, and moreover, as being the kind of team no-one wanted to face in the Champions League.
高普提出咗一點:利物浦應該,而且可以喺歐洲有一席位。佢會令球隊重返歐洲前列,而且會令利物浦成為喺歐聯無人想對碰嘅隊伍。
In a matter of months after arriving in Liverpool, he had guided the club to the Europa League final eliminating Manchester United, Dortmund and Villarreal en route before falling short against Sevilla at the showpiece in Basel.
嚟到利物浦未夠1年,高普就帶領球隊先後淘汰曼聯,多蒙特同維拉利爾,殺入歐霸盃決賽,可惜喺巴塞爾輸咗畀西維爾。
In his first full season at the helm, Klopp’s side secured a fourth-place finish and a crack at Champions League football for only the second time in eight seasons.
喺佢嘅第一季英超,佢就成功殺入前四,拎到來季歐聯參賽資格。呢個只係利物浦近8年嚟第2次。
And having navigated a tricky qualifier against Hoffenheim last August to enter the group phase of the tournament, Liverpool are in now in its final and will be at the continent’s top table again next season.
而今季,先喺外圍賽淘汰賀芬咸,再經過分組賽,利物浦而家已經嚟到歐聯決賽,而且已經穩奪下年嘅歐聯參賽資格。
Whatever happens against Real Madrid in Kiev, Liverpool’s advancement is unarguable.
無論喺基輔對皇家馬德里嘅決賽結果係點,利物浦嘅進步都係有目共睹。
Rewinding to Hong Kong, that they have made it here - one objective boxed off, one well surpassed - through the disruption, the injuries and the sale of Coutinho mid-season, is masterful.
回帶重溫由香港開始嘅球季,經歷風風雨雨,古天奴離隊同埋傷兵滿營,最終前四目標達到,歐聯之路令人驚喜。
Liverpool have the opportunity to be the ultimate conquerers of Europe this season having already dispatched Porto, Manchester City and Roma, smashing scoring records en route to the NSC Olimpiyskiy Stadium.
利物浦先後闖過波圖,曼城同羅馬,向住奧林匹克國家綜合體育場進發,有機會成為歐洲嘅盟主。
Most significantly though, there is a wealth of confidence within the club that this will not be a rarity, that spellbinding nights under Anfield’s lights will become a divine right again.
而最重要嘅係,球會上下充滿信心,今季嘅成績唔係偶然,以後仍然陸續有嚟。
They believe Liverpool will not just be fine, Liverpool will be fucking flying.
佢哋相信,利物浦唔單止會掂,仲會係好撚掂。
原文連結:
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過371的網紅sycookies,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Recently opened to public after the restoration , Lorong Panggung is now the newest entry for tourists to learn and get closer to the heritage and hi...
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那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)
【2016,這就是台灣人想要的總統!】
「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
(“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”)
上面那段話,是這幾天來,最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語,鏗鏘有力,也讓人無比動容...
2016,我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統,一股溫柔的力量,卻又充滿自信與霸氣,不慍不火、不卑不亢,而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國,用來在世界永續立足,最需要的態度。
朋友們告訴我,昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章,已經被下架了。對此,我真的感到非常遺憾。(更新消息:PTT貼文者並非原譯,因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書,特此致謝。)
對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿,也許不同立場的朋友,會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心,我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此,我在網路上找到備份文章,再一次(無修改)分享給我的朋友們,需要的,就幫忙再傳播出去吧!
德不孤必有鄰,一位擅長漫畫的朋友,也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風,彷彿原景重現,對我而言,那份感動,似乎又更深了一些...
有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──
而我,只能藉此臉書一角,向翻譯者、漫畫家,跟小英總統本人,獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝!
謝謝你們,讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────
民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面,標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家, She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後,最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。
中英譯全文:
雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張
目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事:壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先
內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎?
內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影
Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”
蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋,和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響,再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛(Jamie Oliver),但是她忍不住要說,烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場,距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠,而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我,用英文跟我說:「有機的!當然也是在地的。」
This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.
對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說,這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說,這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家,博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間(她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統),得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時,跟你辯論保護主義的人。
Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.
現在,身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者,蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知(註明:這是時代雜誌記者的見解),並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但,蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時(中國占台灣出口的百分之四十),蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌,以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說:「台灣需要一個新模式」。
Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”
台灣的選民是否同意她的願景,是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小,只有兩千三百萬的人口,但是經濟因電子業,農業以及觀光業的支,以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後,被日本殖民了半個世紀;之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中,台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是,台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示:「這場選舉很重要,因為它提供了一個窗口,讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣,世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」
Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.
台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說,台灣是一個逃走的省,也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時,可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權,由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨,抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候,北京雖然沒有指名道姓,卻明顯對她大肆抨擊,說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中,這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說:「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」
To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”
對美國來說,根據《台灣關係法》,在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下,須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國,儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民,特別是年輕人,對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高,而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》(Why Taiwan Matters)一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學(Davidson College)教授任雪麗(Shelley Rigger)說:「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化,反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽,而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」
The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”
國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人,但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱(67歲),如果獲黨的提名,將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文,呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示:「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而,民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂,在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說:「有些人認為我是一個保守的人,但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時,她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說:「我可是擁有博士學位的。」
Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.
蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大,這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師,後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想,希望蔡英文要用功讀書,但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說:「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」
After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.
在台灣大學畢業後,她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律,因為她說,這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後,她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士,並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說:「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣,先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府,出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。
Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.
就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為,蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物,特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨,在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成,由民主運動的老兵所成立,這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件,當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散,而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動,蔡英文當時正在國外求學,受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士,蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家:自我克制又精確到位。
She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.
在2008年民進黨失去政權,而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻,蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下,成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解,但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時,她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子,被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」
After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”
2010年,蔡英文參與市長選舉失利,在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示,當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念,做得不夠好;雖然擁有許多好點子,但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地,一直到敗選感言,蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示:「你可以哭泣,但不能洩氣。」
A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.
2012年之後的台灣,歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後,歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄,向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式,闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫:加強區域間的連結,並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運?」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。
Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.
台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天,台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒,反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟,讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為,服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿,在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院,運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。
The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”
這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來,簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定,馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述,他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有,反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中,有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍:「台灣只有一個,賣了就沒了!」
The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”
台灣社會對於生活品質的重視,而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標,對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣,雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民,但,現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創,在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在,國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道,「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員,也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說:「兩岸互動的利益,應該要與全民共享!」
Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”
蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難,例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人,而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而,民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結,因為台灣企業大量投資大陸,而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨,以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民,但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說:「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場,又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」
That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”
這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟,尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污,經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意,確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨,但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將(J. Michael Cole)說:「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象,認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」
It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持,並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉,或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心(Stimson Center)資深學者容安瀾(Alan Romberg)說:「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場,表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政,兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」
Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.
北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高,但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後,證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷,帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩,是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月,他對一個來自台灣的代表團說,中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一,然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案,而且民調也一再顯示,絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月,習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。
Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.
兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北(當時為國民黨執政)之間所謂的九二共識,這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識,雙方承認只有一個中國,但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說,這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展,而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。
The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”
民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」,而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同,卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下,越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別,但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說,蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說:「如果她勝選,她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」
Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”
蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係,但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢?她說:「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」
Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”
蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說,民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說:「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思?』,她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻:「在收割之前,要先耕地、播種、施肥;所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了,然而他們現在卻想要收割?」
Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”
蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天,我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐,蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰,展現出低調的自信。當時,她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東,她的出生地。「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei
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圖片:猜猜看,認出畫風了嗎?^^
(歡迎任何形式分享,一律免問)
street culture is negative 在 杜文卿 Facebook 的最佳貼文
「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家, She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。
民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面,蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後,最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。
中英譯全文:
[雜誌封面]
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張
[目錄頁]
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事:壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先
[內頁大標]
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎?
[內文]
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影
Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”
蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋,和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響,再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛(Jamie Oliver),但是她忍不住要說,烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場,距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠,而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我,用英文跟我說:「有機的!當然也是在地的。」
This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.
對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說,這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說,這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家,博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間(她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統),得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時,跟你辯論保護主義的人。
Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model,” she tells TIME.
現在,身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者,蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知[註明:這是時代雜誌記者的見解],並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但,蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時(中國占台灣出口的百分之四十),蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌,以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說:「台灣需要一個新模式」。
Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world. “This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”
台灣的選民是否同意她的願景,是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小,只有兩千三百萬的人口,但是經濟因電子業,農業以及觀光業的支撐,以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後,被日本殖民了半個世紀;之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中,台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是,台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台說:「這場選舉很重要,因為它提供了一個窗口,讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣,世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」
Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.
台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說,台灣是一個逃走的省,也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時,可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權,由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨,抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候,北京雖然沒有指名道姓,卻明顯對她大肆抨擊,說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中,這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說:「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」
To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S. “What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”
對美國來說,根據《台灣關係法》,在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下,須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國,儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民,特別是年輕人,對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高,而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》(Why Taiwan Matters)一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學(Davidson College)教授任雪麗(Shelley Rigger)說:「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化,反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽,而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」
The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed “little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”
國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人,但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱(67歲),如果獲黨的提名,將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文,呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示:「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而,民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂,在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說:「有些人認為我是一個保守的人,但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時,她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說:「我可是擁有博士學位的。」
Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.
蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大,這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師,後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想,希望蔡英文要用功讀書,但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說:「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」
After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high-profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.
在台灣大學畢業後,她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律,因為她說,這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後,她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士,並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說:「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣,先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府,出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。
Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement—took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.
就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為,蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物,特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨,在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成,由民主運動的老兵所成立,這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件,當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散,而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動,蔡英文當時正在國外求學,受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士,蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家:自我克制又精確到位。
She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.
在2008年民進黨失去政權,而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻,蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下,成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解,但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時,她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子,被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」
After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”
2010年,蔡英文參與市長選舉失利,在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示,當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念,做得不夠好;雖然擁有許多好點子,但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地,一直到敗選感言,蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示:「你可以哭泣,但不能洩氣。」
A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.
2012年之後的台灣,歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後,歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄,向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式,闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫:加強區域間的連結,並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運?」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。
Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.
台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天,台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒,反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟,讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為,服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿,在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院,運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。
The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”
這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來,簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定,馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述,他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有,反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中,有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍:「台灣只有一個,賣了就沒了!」
The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity: “The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”
台灣社會對於生活品質的重視,而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標,對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣,雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民,但,現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創,在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在,國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道,「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員,也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說:「兩岸互動的利益,應該要與全民共享!」
Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”
蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難,例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人,而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而,民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結,因為台灣企業大量投資大陸,而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨,以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民,但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說:「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場,又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」
That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”
這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟,尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污,經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意,確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨,但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將(J. Michael Cole)說:「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象,認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」
It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持,並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉,或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心(Stimson Center)資深學者容安瀾(Alan Romberg)說:「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場,表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基礎的政府執政,兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」
Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.
北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高,但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後,證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷,帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩,是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月,他對一個來自台灣的代表團說,中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一,然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案,而且民調也一再顯示,絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月,習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。
Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.
兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北(當時為國民黨執政)之間所謂的九二共識,這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識,雙方承認只有一個中國,但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說,這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展,而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。
The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan independence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”
民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」,而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同,卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下,越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別,但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說,蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說:「如果她勝選,她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」
Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”
蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係,但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢?她說:「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」
Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”
蔡英文的濳在對手洪秀柱說,民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說:「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思?』,她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻:「在收割之前,要先耕地、播種、施肥;所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了,然而他們現在卻想要收割?」
Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”
—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei
蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天,我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐,蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰,展現出低調的自信。當時,她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東,她的出生地。「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
延伸報導: Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai, Natalie Tso
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street culture is negative 在 sycookies Youtube 的精選貼文
Recently opened to public after the restoration , Lorong Panggung is now the newest entry for tourists to learn and get closer to the heritage and history of the Chinese culture as well as the value of tradition and how the ripples of practices then lasted and evolved to what is at present day. Connecting murals and fibre codes and information technology, Kwai Chai Hong 鬼仔巷 is now a semi tunnel of time machine within the alley where one of the oldest and earliest street lamp is still standing strong. Take your time with the murals, take your time to go through the QR codes, take your time to reflect and think about present days without denying the past, and think about how we can all serve a better future for the generations to come.
While you are at it, why not also think about if this revamping actually is bringing more positive or negative impact to the community. Put your thoughts in the comment box as well. I am curious to know.
Here is also one interesting video by our local media :https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2dhAg1zeFE
Enjoy this glimpse of my recent visit to the alley and learn more about the project from their Facebook page:
https://www.facebook.com/kwaichaihong
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Video shoot with Moment 18mm lense : https://goo.gl/u4VFkh
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Music :https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kEk4DclZseQ
street culture is negative 在 Street Culture : LEF DRAW | By France 3 Nouvelle-Aquitaine 的推薦與評價
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street culture is negative 在 How Bad Is Cancel Culture In Singapore? | Street Interview 的推薦與評價
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