美國作曲家亞瑟.魯賓斯坦(Arthur B. Rubinstein)辭世,享壽80歲。他的代表作包括約翰.貝德漢(John Badham)執導的多部作品如《戰爭遊戲》(WarGames ,1983)、《緊急盯梢令》(Stakeout ,1987)和《致命時刻》(Nick of Time ,1995)等。
.
亞瑟.魯賓斯坦於1938年出生於美國紐約布魯克林,他在70年代期間曾在洛杉磯和百老匯擔任音樂總監,參與作品有《歌舞線上》(A Chorus Line)《萬世巨星》(Jesus Christ Superstar)《艾薇塔》(Evita)等名作。
.
日後搬到洛杉磯的魯賓斯坦也開始接觸好萊塢電影配樂創作,自1981年的《生殺大權》(Whose Life Is It Anyway?)起,亞瑟.魯賓斯坦日後與導演約翰.貝德漢開啟了穩定的合作關係,其中代表作就是賣座大片《戰爭遊戲》,該片講述了一名天才少年出於好奇駭入了北美航空指揮部而險些引發第三次世界大戰的故事。
.
兩人合作的其他作品還包括《藍色霹靂號》(Blue Thunder ,1983)、《緊急盯梢令》、《小生當差》(The Hard Way ,1991)和《瘋狂盯梢令》、Another Stakeout ,1993)等片。
.
1986年,魯賓斯坦亦憑藉電視劇《Scarecrow and Mrs. King》(1983-1987)的作曲榮獲艾美獎最佳劇集配樂獎殊榮。兩年後,又以《緊急盯梢令》榮獲BMI電影與電視獎的電影音樂獎殊榮。
.
1994年,魯賓斯坦開始轉移重心,與妻子在洛杉磯創立了交響樂團,往後20多年來,他們為洛杉磯八萬個孩童免費演出了逾60場的古典音樂會,也逐漸淡出影壇。
.
本月23號,他因癌症逝世。
.
.
(圖為亞瑟.魯賓斯坦。)
(前一篇照片誤植,誠摯感謝網友協助指證。)
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過15萬的網紅pennyccw,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Overtime hardly helped Allen Iverson's bid for the scoring title, but it did help the Philadelphia 76ers wrap up sixth place in the Eastern Conference...
the hard way (1991) 在 無影無蹤 Facebook 的精選貼文
美國作曲家亞瑟.魯賓斯坦(Arthur B. Rubinstein)辭世,享壽80歲。他的代表作包括約翰.貝德漢(John Badham)執導的多部作品如《戰爭遊戲》(WarGames ,1983)、《緊急盯梢令》(Stakeout ,1987)和《致命時刻》(Nick of Time ,1995)等。
.
亞瑟.魯賓斯坦於1938年出生於美國紐約布魯克林,他在70年代期間曾在洛杉磯和百老匯擔任音樂總監,參與作品有《歌舞線上》(A Chorus Line)《萬世巨星》(Jesus Christ Superstar)《艾薇塔》(Evita)等名作。
.
日後搬到洛杉磯的魯賓斯坦也開始接觸好萊塢電影配樂創作,自1981年的《生殺大權》(Whose Life Is It Anyway?)起,亞瑟.魯賓斯坦日後與導演約翰.貝德漢開啟了穩定的合作關係,其中代表作就是賣座大片《戰爭遊戲》,該片講述了一名天才少年出於好奇駭入了北美航空指揮部而險些引發第三次世界大戰的故事。
.
兩人合作的其他作品還包括《藍色霹靂號》(Blue Thunder ,1983)、《緊急盯梢令》、《小生當差》(The Hard Way ,1991)和《瘋狂盯梢令》、Another Stakeout ,1993)等片。
.
1986年,魯賓斯坦亦憑藉電視劇《Scarecrow and Mrs. King》(1983-1987)的作曲榮獲艾美獎最佳劇集配樂獎殊榮。兩年後,又以《緊急盯梢令》榮獲BMI電影與電視獎的電影音樂獎殊榮。
.
1994年,魯賓斯坦開始轉移重心,與妻子在洛杉磯創立了交響樂團,往後20多年來,他們為洛杉磯八萬個孩童免費演出了逾60場的古典音樂會,也逐漸淡出影壇。
.
本月23號,他因癌症逝世。
.
.
(圖為亞瑟.魯賓斯坦。)
(前一篇照片誤植,誠摯感謝網友協助指證。)
the hard way (1991) 在 Nasser Amparna Funpage Facebook 的最佳貼文
A GOOD READ from one of the greatest leader that lived, #SINGAPORE's founding man, #LeeKuanYew
THIS MUST BE SHARED AND THOROUGHLY READ BY EVERY FILIPINO... Its quite long but it will surely strengthen our minds but then at the end, I was like "SAYANG!!!"
It came from the SINGAPORE'S FOUNDING MAN ITSELF, former Prime Minister LEE KUAN YEW on how the Philippines should have become, IF ONLY...
I've just read it and, its point blank!
Its a good read
____________
(The following excerpt is taken from pages 299 – 305 from Lee Kuan Yew’s book “From Third World to First”, Chapter 18 “Building Ties with Thailand, the Philippines, and Brunei”)
*
The Philippines was a world apart from us, running a different style of politics and government under an American military umbrella. It was not until January 1974 that I visited President Marcos in Manila. When my Singapore Airlines plane flew into Philippine airspace, a small squadron of Philippine Air Force jet fighters escorted it to Manila Airport. There Marcos received me in great style – the Filipino way. I was put up at the guest wing of Malacañang Palace in lavishly furnished rooms, valuable objects of art bought in Europe strewn all over. Our hosts were gracious, extravagant in hospitality, flamboyant. Over a thousand miles of water separated us. There was no friction and little trade. We played golf, talked about the future of ASEAN, and promised to keep in touch.
His foreign minister, Carlos P. Romulo, was a small man of about five feet some 20 years my senior, with a ready wit and a self-deprecating manner about his size and other limitations. Romulo had a good sense of humor, an eloquent tongue, and a sharp pen, and was an excellent dinner companion because he was a wonderful raconteur, with a vast repertoire of anecdotes and witticisms. He did not hide his great admiration for the Americans. One of his favourite stories was about his return to the Philippines with General MacArthur. As MacArthur waded ashore at Leyte, the water reached his knees but came up to Romulo’s chest and he had to swim ashore. His good standing with ASEAN leaders and with Americans increased the prestige of the Marcos administration. Marcos had in Romulo a man of honor and integrity who helped give a gloss of respectability to his regime as it fell into disrepute in the 1980s.
In Bali in 1976, at the first ASEAN summit held after the fall of Saigon, I found Marcos keen to push for greater economic cooperation in ASEAN. But we could not go faster than the others. To set the pace, Marcos and I agreed to implement a bilateral Philippines-Singapore across-the-board 10 percent reduction of existing tariffs on all products and to promote intra-ASEAN trade. We also agreed to lay a Philippines-Singapore submarine cable. I was to discover that for him, the communiqué was the accomplishment itself; its implementation was secondary, an extra to be discussed at another conference.
We met every two to three years. He once took me on a tour of his library at Malacañang, its shelves filled with bound volumes of newspapers reporting his activities over the years since he first stood for elections. There were encyclopedia-size volumes on the history and culture of the Philippines with his name as the author. His campaign medals as an anti-Japanese guerrilla leader were displayed in glass cupboards. He was the undisputed boss of all Filipinos. Imelda, his wife, had a penchant for luxury and opulence. When they visited Singapore before the Bali summit they came in stye in two DC8’s, his and hers.
Marcos did not consider China a threat for the immediate future, unlike Japan. He did not rule out the possibility of an aggressive Japan, if circumstances changed. He had memories of the horrors the Imperial Army had inflicted on Manila. We had strongly divergent views on the Vietnamese invasion and occupation of Cambodia. While he, pro forma, condemned the Vietnamese occupation, he did not consider it a danger to the Philippines. There was the South China Sea separating them and the American navy guaranteed their security. As a result, Marcos was not active on the Cambodian question. Moreover, he was to become preoccupied with the deteriorating security in his country.
Marcos, ruling under martial law, had detained opposition leader Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, reputed to be as charismatic and powerful a campaigner as he was. He freed Aquino and allowed him to go to the United States. As the economic situation in the Philippines deteriorated, Aquino announced his decision to return. Mrs. Marcos issued several veiled warnings. When the plane arrived at Manila Airport from Taipei in August 1983, he was shot as he descended from the aircraft. A whole posse of foreign correspondents with television camera crews accompanying him on the aircraft was not enough protection.
International outrage over the killing resulted in foreign banks stopping all loans to the Philippines, which owed over US$25 billion and could not pay the interest due. This brought Marcos to the crunch. He sent his minister for trade and industry, Bobby Ongpin, to ask me for a loan of US$300-500 million to meet the interest payments. I looked him straight in the eye and said, “We will never see that money back.” Moreover, I added, everyone knew that Marcos was seriously ill and under constant medication for a wasting disease. What was needed was a strong, healthy leader, not more loans.
Shortly afterward, in February 1984, Marcos met me in Brunei at the sultanate’s independence celebrations. He had undergone a dramatic physical change. Although less puffy than he had appeared on television, his complexion was dark as if he had been out in the sun. He was breathing hard as he spoke, his voice was soft, eyes bleary, and hair thinning. He looked most unhealthy. An ambulance with all the necessary equipment and a team of Filipino doctors were on standby outside his guest bungalow. Marcos spent much of the time giving me a most improbable story of how Aquino had been shot.
As soon as all our aides left, I went straight to the point, that no bank was going to lend him any money. They wanted to know who was going to succeed him if anything were to happen to him; all the bankers could see that he no longer looked healthy. Singapore banks had lent US$8 billion of the US$25 billion owing. The hard fact was they were not likely to get repayment for some 20 years. He countered that it would be only eight years. I said the bankers wanted to see a strong leader in the Philippines who could restore stability, and the Americans hoped the election in May would throw up someone who could be such a leader. I asked whom he would nominate for the election. He said Prime Minister Cesar Virata. I was blunt. Virata was a nonstarter, a first-class administrator but no political leader; further, his most politically astute colleague, defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was out of favour. Marcos was silent, then he admitted that succession was the nub of the problem. If he could find a successor, there would be a solution. As I left, he said, “You are a true friend.” I did not understand him. It was a strange meeting.
With medical care, Marcos dragged on. Cesar Virata met me in Singapore in January the following year. He was completely guileless, a political innocent. He said that Mrs. Imelda Marcos was likely to be nominated as the presidential candidate. I asked how that could be when there were other weighty candidates, including Juan Ponce Enrile and Blas Ople, the labor minister. Virata replied it had to do with “flow of money; she would have more money than other candidates to pay for the votes needed for nomination by the party and to win the election. He added that if she were the candidate, the opposition would put up Mrs. Cory Aquino and work up the people’s feelings. He said the economy was going down with no political stability.
The denouement came in February 1986 when Marcos held presidential elections which he claimed he won. Cory Aquino, the opposition candidate, disputed this and launched a civil disobedience campaign. Defense Minister Juan Enrile defected and admitted election fraud had taken place, and the head of the Philippine constabulary, Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos, joined him. A massive show of “people power” in the streets of Manila led to a spectacular overthrow of a dictatorship. The final indignity was on 25 February 1986, when Marcos and his wife fled in U.S. Air Force helicopters from Malacañang Palace to Clark Air Base and were flown to Hawaii. This Hollywood-style melodrama could only have happened in the Philippines.
Mrs. Aquino was sworn in as president amid jubilation. I had hopes that this honest, God-fearing woman would help regain confidence for the Philippines and get the country back on track. I visited her that June, three months after the event. She was a sincere, devout Catholic who wanted to do her best for her country by carrying out what she believed her husband would have done had he been alive, namely, restore democracy to the Philippines. Democracy would then solve their economic and social problems. At dinner, Mrs. Aquino seated the chairman of the constitutional commission, Chief Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, next to me. I asked the learned lady what lessons her commission had learned from the experience of the last 40 years since independence in 1946 would guide her in drafting the constitution. She answered without hesitation, “We will not have any reservations or limitations on our democracy. We must make sure that no dictator can ever emerge to subvert the constitution.” Was there no incompatibility of the American-type separation of powers with the culture and habits of the Filipino people that had caused problems for the presidents before Marcos? Apparently none.
Endless attempted coups added to Mrs. Aquino’s problems. The army and the constabulary had been politicized. Before the ASEAN summit in December 1987, a coup was threatened. Without President Suharto’s firm support the summit would have been postponed and confidence in Aquino’s government undermined. The Philippine government agreed that the responsibility for security should be shared between them and the other ASEAN governments, in particular the Indonesian government. General Benny Moerdani, President Suharto’s trusted aide, took charge. He positioned an Indonesian warship in the middle of Manila Bay with helicopters and a commando team ready to rescue the ASEAN heads of government if there should be a coup attempt during the summit. I was included in their rescue plans. I wondered if such a rescue could work but decided to go along with the arrangements, hoping that the show of force would scare off the coup leaders. We were all confined to the Philippine Plaza Hotel by the seafront facing Manila Bay where we could see the Indonesian warship at anchor. The hotel was completely sealed off and guarded. The summit went off without any mishap. We all hoped that this show of united support for Mrs. Aquino’s government at a time when there were many attempts to destabilize it would calm the situation.
It made no difference. There were more coup attempts, discouraging investments badly needed to create jobs. This was a pity because they had so many able people, educated in the Philippines and the United States. Their workers were English-speaking, at least in Manila. There was no reason why the Philippines should not have been one of the more successful of the ASEAN countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was the most developed, because America had been generous in rehabilitating the country after the war. Something was missing, a gel to hold society together. The people at the top, the elite mestizos, had the same detached attitude to the native peasants as the mestizos in their haciendas in Latin America had toward their peons. They were two different societies: Those at the top lived a life of extreme luxury and comfort while the peasants scraped a living, and in the Philippines it was a hard living. They had no land but worked on sugar and coconut plantations.They had many children because the church discouraged birth control. The result was increasing poverty.
It was obvious that the Philippines would never take off unless there was substantial aid from the United States. George Shultz, the secretary of state, was sympathetic and wanted to help but made clear to me that the United States would be better able to do something if ASEAN showed support by making its contribution. The United States was reluctant to go it alone and adopt the Philippines as its special problem. Shultz wanted ASEAN to play a more prominent role to make it easier for the president to get the necessary votes in Congress. I persuaded Shultz to get the aid project off the ground in 1988, before President Reagan’s second term of office ended. He did. There were two meetings for a Multilateral Assistance Initiative (Philippines Assistance Programme): The first in Tokyo in 1989 brought US$3.5 billion in pledges, and the second in Hong Kong in 1991, under the Bush administration, yielded US$14 billion in pledges. But instability in the Philippines did not abate. This made donors hesitant and delayed the implementation of projects.
Mrs. Aquino’s successor, Fidel Ramos, whom she had backed, was more practical and established greater stability. In November 1992, I visited him. In a speech to the 18th Philippine Business Conference, I said, “I do not believe democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.” In private, President Ramos said he agreed with me that British parliamentary-type constitutions worked better because the majority party in the legislature was also the government. Publicly, Ramos had to differ.
He knew well the difficulties of trying to govern with strict American-style separation of powers. The senate had already defeated Mrs. Aquino’s proposal to retain the American bases. The Philippines had a rambunctious press but it did not check corruption. Individual press reporters could be bought, as could many judges. Something had gone seriously wrong. Millions of Filipino men and women had to leave their country for jobs abroad beneath their level of education. Filipino professionals whom we recruited to work in Singapore are as good as our own. Indeed, their architects, artists, and musicians are more artistic and creative than ours. Hundreds of thousands of them have left for Hawaii and for the American mainland. It is a problem the solution to which has not been made easier by the workings of a Philippine version of the American constitution.
The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics. They supported the winning presidential and congressional candidates with their considerable resources and reappeared in the political and social limelight after the 1998 election that returned President Joseph Estrada. General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s commander-in-chief who had been in charge of security when Aquino was assassinated, had fled the Philippines together with Marcos in 1986. When he died in Bangkok, the Estrada government gave the general military honors at his burial. One Filipino newspaper, Today, wrote on 22 November 1998, “Ver, Marcos and the rest of the official family plunged the country into two decades of lies, torture, and plunder. Over the next decade, Marcos’s cronies and immediate family would tiptoe back into the country, one by one – always to the public’s revulsion and disgust, though they showed that there was nothing that hidden money and thick hides could not withstand.” Some Filipinos write and speak with passion. If they could get their elite to share their sentiments and act, what could they not have achieved?
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SAYANG! kindly share.
the hard way (1991) 在 pennyccw Youtube 的精選貼文
Overtime hardly helped Allen Iverson's bid for the scoring title, but it did help the Philadelphia 76ers wrap up sixth place in the Eastern Conference.
Iverson scored 33 points, including a rainbow jumper with eight seconds left that forced overtime, and the 76ers scored the last eight points in a 105-100 victory over the Detroit Pistons, who had a six-game winning streak snapped.
Iverson scored only two points in the extra session, a pair of clinching free throws with 28 seconds to go. He gleefully dribbled out the clock instead of adding to his total, leaving him with a final average of 26.75.
"I felt like when you just get your driver's license and you get a brand new car to drive," Iverson said. "I felt great and the crowd being into it the way they were, it was like a gift to the people that supported us all year long. Now we can give something back."
Los Angeles Lakers center Shaquille O'Neal needed 40 points tonight against Portland to surpass Iverson, but managed just 18, making Iverson the first 76er since Wilt Chamberlain in 1965-66 to win the crown.
"I don't want to send a message that I was doing all the scoring for the title," said Iverson, who led the league in shots. "I did all that to help my team win. I'm the scorer on the team; that's why I shoot the ball as much as I do."
"Everyone in this room should be excited if he wins the scoring title," Sixers coach Larry Brown said. "My thoughts and hopes coming into tonight were that we would play well, get the victory and that Allen would win the scoring title without us having to do anything outside or our normal game."
With his mother a frequent fan at the First Union Center and his biggest supporter, Iverson has heard chants of "MVP, MVP" along with the chance to lead the league in scoring.
"A championship ring, that's the most important thing to me," Iverson said. "Not MVP or the scoring title. I'd rather have a championship."
The 76ers allowed 100 points for only the seventh time this year but no more, holding the Pistons scoreless over the final 2:44. Inside baskets by Matt Geiger, Tyrone Hill and rookie Larry Hughes in an 85-second span turned a three-point deficit into a 103-100 lead with 41 seconds left.
In the playoffs for the first time since 1991, Philadelphia (28-22) finished sixth in the East and will face third-seeded Orlando in the first round. The Sixers were 2-1 against the Magic this season, with each team winning at home.
"We can't just say `We've had success against Orlando' and just go through the motions," Sixers guard Aaron McKie said. "We have to go out there and play hard."
Iverson shot just 11-of-28 and had plenty of help. Hill had 21 points and nine rebounds, Geiger added 20, 16 and eight assists and Eric Snow had a career-high 20 points and 10 assists. The Sixers went 3-1 against the Pistons this season.
Grant Hill scored 27 points for Detroit (29-21), which finished fifth in the East and will face Atlanta in the opening round. The Pistons went 2-1 against the Hawks.
"We're confident going into the playoffs," Pistons coach Alvin Gentry said. "It's a tough matchup with Atlanta. They're a very good basketball team."
"If we play good basektball, we've got a shot to beat them," said Hill, who has yet to win a playoff series in his five-year career.
the hard way (1991) 在 pennyccw Youtube 的最佳貼文
Overtime hardly helped Allen Iverson's
bid for the scoring title, but it did help the Philadelphia
76ers wrap up sixth place in the Eastern Conference.
Iverson scored 33 points, including a rainbow jumper with eight
seconds left that forced overtime, and the 76ers scored the last
eight points in a 105-100 victory over the Detroit Pistons, who
had a six-game winning streak snapped.
Iverson scored only two points in the extra session, a pair of
clinching free throws with 28 seconds to go. He gleefully
dribbled out the clock instead of adding to his total, leaving
him with a final average of 26.75.
"I felt like when you just get your driver's license and you get
a brand new car to drive," Iverson said. "I felt great and the
crowd being into it the way they were, it was like a gift to the
people that supported us all year long. Now we can give
something back."
Los Angeles Lakers center Shaquille O'Neal needed 40 points
tonight against Portland to surpass Iverson, but managed just
18, making Iverson the first 76er since Wilt Chamberlain in
1965-66 to win the crown.
"I don't want to send a message that I was doing all the scoring
for the title," said Iverson, who led the league in shots. "I
did all that to help my team win. I'm the scorer on the team;
that's why I shoot the ball as much as I do."
"Everyone in this room should be excited if he wins the scoring
title," Sixers coach Larry Brown said. "My thoughts and hopes
coming into tonight were that we would play well, get the
victory and that Allen would win the scoring title without us
having to do anything outside or our normal game."
With his mother a frequent fan at the First Union Center and his
biggest supporter, Iverson has heard chants of "MVP, MVP" along
with the chance to lead the league in scoring.
"A championship ring, that's the most important thing to me,"
Iverson said. "Not MVP or the scoring title. I'd rather have a
championship."
The 76ers allowed 100 points for only the seventh time this year
but no more, holding the Pistons scoreless over the final 2:44.
Inside baskets by Matt Geiger, Tyrone Hill and rookie Larry
Hughes in an 85-second span turned a three-point deficit into a
103-100 lead with 41 seconds left.
In the playoffs for the first time since 1991, Philadelphia
(28-22) finished sixth in the East and will face third-seeded
Orlando in the first round. The Sixers were 2-1 against the
Magic this season, with each team winning at home.
"We can't just say `We've had success against Orlando' and just
go through the motions," Sixers guard Aaron McKie said. "We
have to go out there and play hard."
Iverson shot just 11-of-28 and had plenty of help. Hill had 21
points and nine rebounds, Geiger added 20, 16 and eight assists
and Eric Snow had a career-high 20 points and 10 assists. The
Sixers went 3-1 against the Pistons this season.
Grant Hill scored 27 points for Detroit (29-21), which finished
fifth in the East and will face Atlanta in the opening round.
The Pistons went 2-1 against the Hawks.
"We're confident going into the playoffs," Pistons coach Alvin
Gentry said. "It's a tough matchup with Atlanta. They're a very
good basketball team."
"If we play good basektball, we've got a shot to beat them,"
said Hill, who has yet to win a playoff series in his five-year
career.
Former Sixer Jerry Stackhouse scored 21 points for Detroit,
including two free throws with 20 seconds left in regulation
that appeared to seal it at 93-89.