毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
(案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)
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「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘,即訂閱Patreon:
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胡法官雅文閣下:
2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!
在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?
社會之病根
對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。
最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
同時也有9部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過60萬的網紅Tasty Japan,也在其Youtube影片中提到,なすのこんな活用法があったとは… レバノンなど中東の国々で広く親しまれているレシピです。 暑い日はビール片手に、ディップが止まらない! ぜひ作ってみてくださいね♪ 焼きなすのディップ 2人分 材料: なす 4本 Aおろしにんにく 小さじ2 Aレモン汁 大さじ1/2 A練り白ごま 大さじ1 A塩 ...
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face with用法 在 辣媽英文天后 林俐 Carol Facebook 的最佳解答
EEC孩子上週學了obey,
俐媽順勢多教了幾個片語,
也表示「遵守」:
abide by/ comply with/ conform to
俐媽請EEC學生去捷運站找,
看看告示牌上的「遵守」是用哪個字?
大家紛紛傳照片給俐媽。
答案揭曉:
🚦 comply with 🚦
來學告示牌上的英文單字吧!
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🙆🏻♂️ 俐媽英文教室—捷運告示篇:
🚨 comply with (v.) 遵守
🚨 in compliance with (prep.) 遵守
🚨 epidemic (n.) 傳染病
🚨 command (n.)(v.) 命令
🚨 regulation (n.) 規定
—> 記得複習「意志動詞」的用法喔!
🚨 venue (n.) 場所
🚨 metro (n.) 地鐵🚇
🚨 community (n.) 社區
🚨 refuse (v.) 拒絕
🚨 fine (v.) 罰款
🚨 transportation (n.) 運輸
🚨 fever (v.) 發燒🤒️
🚨 face mask (n.) 口罩
#俐媽英文教室口罩篇
—————————————————————
大家來補習班也要把口罩戴好,
不配合或隨隨便便的孩子,
俐媽可是會拒絕提供教學服務喔!
.
#防疫人人有責
#俐媽英文教室
#俐媽英文教室捷運告示篇
#俐媽新聞英文新冠肺炎篇
#台大明明認真防疫全面防堵
#台大明明學子量體溫戴口罩勤洗手保持社交距離
face with用法 在 Alexander Wang 王梓沅英文 Facebook 的精選貼文
#公開課
【首次揭露:我最喜歡的文法、字彙學習觀念】
我很喜歡 “Transparency (透明、清晰度)” 的概念。心理語言學家(psycholinguists) #站在語言學習者的視角,去思考一個用法是否 #直覺 #直觀,並將這個概念運用在文法和字彙學習上,解釋了很多「中式英文」、「怎麼學都用不出來」、「很難背」等等的現象。
✔︎ 但什麼是 #透明度 呢? 接下來我會用 #語塊學習 和 #介系詞學習 兩個面向來闡述。
【Example 1】
以學習 take + sth 的 #語塊 來說,從「最透明 (transparent)」到最「模糊」由上而下各是:
take your wallet 帶著錢包
take credit 因為功勞而受到讚賞
take time 花時間
take issue (+ with) 反對~ / take account of 考慮到
take place 發生、舉行(相對人為的)
► 到模糊時,take place 就不能用「拿空間」來思考了。在學習時,比較「模糊的」雖然感覺比較難背,但是「透明的」也要小心:他們很容易讓我們製造出「中式英文」。
【Example 2】
如果用 #Transparency 來解釋大家最怕的「介係詞」和「冠詞」呢?
✔︎ 以介系詞 at 為例子:
(相對透明)
arrive at the airport
watch movies at night
study at the University of Cambridge
(相對不透明)
The project is aimed at…
at a rate of… 以~的速度
take things at face value 用表象來看事物
Do you see what I’m getting AT? 你懂我在說什麼嗎
They are at odds. 他們看法不一。
✔︎ 以定冠詞 the 為例子
(相對透明)
This is the store I was talking about.
Look at the floor.
(相對不透明)
She works in the fashion industry.
There’s some rumor about the iPhone 13.
Only the rich will benefit from it.
掌握好透明度的概念,更能理解在學習時(不管是文法、字彙),什麼是要花多一點力的、甚至做出 #3D英文筆記,什麼是相對輕鬆,可以用大量閱讀、聽當中就學起來的。
我在 12/8 (二) 的晚上將帶來一場會改變你所有英語思維的「改變ㄧ生文法、搭配詞」公開課,不要錯過喔!
地址:台北市朱崙街 60 號 2F (MRT 南京復興站)
時間 : 7:30 pm - 9:00 pm
✔︎一秒報名:
https://www.accupass.com/event/2011231142349541510980
face with用法 在 Tasty Japan Youtube 的最佳解答
なすのこんな活用法があったとは…
レバノンなど中東の国々で広く親しまれているレシピです。
暑い日はビール片手に、ディップが止まらない!
ぜひ作ってみてくださいね♪
焼きなすのディップ
2人分
材料:
なす 4本
Aおろしにんにく 小さじ2
Aレモン汁 大さじ1/2
A練り白ごま 大さじ1
A塩 少々
Aクミンパウダー 少々
オリーブオイル 少々
パプリカパウダー 少々
イタリアンパセリ 少々
フランスパン(ディップ用)
作り方:
1.オーブンを180度に予熱する。
2.なすを縦半分に切り、オーブンシートを敷いた天板に切った面を下にして並べ、180度で30分程焼く。
3.オーブンから取り出し粗熱が取れたらスプーンでなすを皮からはがしてザルにあげる。
4.(3)のなすをミキサーに入れAも加えて、なめらかなペースト状にする。
5.器に盛り、オリーブオイルを垂らしパプリカパウダーをふりかけ、ちぎったイタリアンパセリを散らす。
6.フランスパンを添えて完成!
===
Baba Ganoush
Servings: 2
INGREDIENTS
4 eggplants
A
2 teaspoons grated garlic
1/2 tablespoon lemon juice
1 tablespoon sesame paste
Some salt
Some cumin powder
Some olive oil
Some paprika powder
Some Italian parsley
Baguette
PREPARATION
1. Preheat the oven to 180°C (356°F)
2. Cut eggplants vertically into halves. Place on a pan lined with a parchment paper (face down). Bake for about 30 minutes at 180°C (356°F). Let cool.
3. Using a spoon, peel eggplants and drain. Squeeze the eggplants if needed.
4. Process the eggplants (3) and the garlic with a blender. Add A ingredients and process until smooth.
5. Place (4) on a plate. Put some olive oil, sprinkle with paprika powder. Add some Italian parsley on top.
6. Serve with baguette.
7. Enjoy!
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face with用法 在 瘋查某尬英文 Youtube 的最佳解答
更多的英文學習貼文:https://www.instagram.com/crazy_girl_english/
每次看到超簡單的字都認為自己已經完全理解那個單字了...但有時候會猛地發現,啥?!還有這用法啊?😂😂😂
所以 YJ 這次被啟發,要來和大家分享 5 種顏色!下面為小查某整理複習區:
如果還想看到其他的顏色的用法,歡迎扣一!
【Red】
00:36 to go red in the face
00:59 see red
01:30 catch someone red-handed
【Pink】
02:05 in the pink
02:22 tickled pink
【Yellow】
02:50 yellow-belly
03:26 You’re so yellow.
【Green】
03:35 Someone is green.
03:45 be green with envy
【Blue】
04:20 blue blood
04:38 black and blue
#用顏色形容人的英文
#紅粉紅黃綠藍
#顏色的英文
#瘋查某尬英文
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face with用法 在 Gobby Hong Youtube 的最讚貼文
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有朋友會幫的打字幕嗎?歡迎捐獻字幕!有心者我會把名字放在info box中以表感謝! 記得開首打左自己名先呀... (e.g. 字幕提供xxx字幕組)
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face with用法 在 Fran!英文翻轉教室李泠英文- “in the face of”的用法再添一例 ... 的推薦與評價
in the face of”的用法再添一例。 「當恐怖(這裡應該是指恐怖主義或份子)藉由社群把恐懼之洢擴送至世界,紐西蘭總理在面對害怕、分裂、仇恨之際,驕傲地為希望、 ... ... <看更多>
face with用法 在 ReFa CARAT FACE 使用介紹 - YouTube 的推薦與評價
![影片讀取中](/images/youtube.png)
ReFa CARAT FACE 完全貼合面部輪廓的360°多角度結構滾輪。專門為女性臉部與胸前設計,小巧設計及易於操作。猶如專業美容師的深度揉捏動作, ... ... <看更多>
face with用法 在 [文法] 唉面對(face)這一題我只能嘆息- 看板Eng-Class 的推薦與評價
face這個字好難啊!
Two years ago Betty found herself ______________ her worst
nightmare when her son told her that he had been diagnosed
with cancer.
(A) facing with
(B) faced with
(C) faced
(D) had been facing
正解(B)
搞不懂「面臨」「面對」不是主動去面對嗎?
怎麼這一題卻用被動的感覺?
謝謝高手幫忙
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