還記得去年的 6 月,我們為了香港的朋友們擔憂,為了我們共同信仰的價值遭踐踏而生氣。這一年來,我們迫切地轉發文章、閱讀資訊、寫信連署、出錢出力,我們盡自己所能地想要告訴身邊的人、告訴世界,香港這塊土地發生了什麼事,那裡的人正遇到什麼樣的困難。這件事還沒結束,還是進行式,但此時此刻,又有另一個被迫害的族群正在勇敢地為自己發聲,而他們的聲量需要世界各地的人一起幫助擴音。
我好像不只一次,從亞洲朋友的口中聽到以下這些言論:「每次走在倫敦路上都好怕遇到黑人」、「黑人他們是不是都是幫派搶匪」、「我跟黑人男生擦肩而過時,都會緊緊抓住自己的包包,深怕被搶」。每一次聽到我都好驚訝。
無論你對於非裔族群之前有多麼深的誤解,現在是個好機會透過不同的方式理解這些跟你我一樣值得被平等對待的人,並好好瞭解這場 Black Lives Matter 事件。
我知道身處在遙遠台灣的我們,由於成長過程及生活環境的關係,多數人很難與這項議題產生情感上的連結(跟香港相比的話),但如果你願意,可以從現在開始認識這個議題,特別是許多台灣人從小就對美國帶有崇敬心態,多少人懷抱著美國夢,更尤其我相信這個粉專的讀者很多人是同志,請記得,世界上第一場爭取同志平權的遊行,就是由黑人族群主導的,有了這些先鋒,我們如今才能在世界各個角落享受現在的權利。如果我們無法試著去理解這個與我們關係友好的國家,內部正在發生的事情,無法去試著瞭解他人所受的苦難,往後我們又有什麼資格去要求別人在乎我們?
好了,如果你還願意讀下去,那麼馬上進入正題。面對這個議題,我列了幾個我們可以閱讀資訊的管道,無論你是住在海外每天待在家裡,或是在台灣過著朝九晚五的生活,都可以利用一些零碎時間,讀文章、看書、看電影看劇,一起用我們能力所及的方式,支持這項議題。
#如何當一個反種族歧視的人:
#入門文章:理解 #黑人的命也是命
《美國遍地烽火:我們該如何理解美國的種族不平等》by US Taiwan Watch: 美國台灣觀測站
連結:http://tiny.cc/mne8pz
《如何理解 Black Lives Matters?暴動是不被傾聽者的語言》by 陳啟睿&周永康
連結:https://bit.ly/2U5AWe1
- #書單:
來到英國後,我才開始閱讀這方面的書籍,一方面是本來就對種族議題有興趣,一方面也是在認識南亞裔和非裔朋友後,想要多多瞭解英國人怎麽對待這些有色人種的。
你或許很難想像,我們以前在學校裡學英國殖民香港、殖民印度、殖民全世界許多國家的這件事情,對於許多英國人來說其實相當陌生。而這跟英國教育的歷史課綱有很大的關係,許多英國人甚至不知道,香港、印度曾經是英國殖民地,天啊,你能相信嗎?更別提他們以全世界第一個解放黑奴的國家為傲,而忽略了許多應該傳授給下一代的重要史事。這也是為什麼,英國每年都有很多關於殖民、種族、南亞裔、非裔這些議題的書。因此以下很多本雖然都是沉重到不行的種族議題,卻都是書店裡或亞馬遜上的常年暢銷書,看完後真的會開拓以前從未打開的視野,應該也會打破許多人對英國的美好想像。在台灣,我們經常從媒體或娛樂影視上接受到過度美化的英美形象,這邊當然指的是「白人形象」,但如果從以下這些非白人作家的觀點來看,可就不是這麼一回事了。台灣買不到實體書,買電子書就好,我自己也是用iPad看的,過幾天我再來講講我已經讀完的幾本的心得。
首推我自己有讀完或正在讀的:
《Natives: Race & Class in the Ruins of Empire》by Akala
《Girl, Woman, Ohter》by Bernardine Evaristo
《Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race》by Reni Eddo-Lodge
《Inglorious Empire: What The British Did To India》by Shashi Tharoor
《The Good Immigrant》by Nikesh Shukla
《Lovers And Strangers: An Immigrant History of Post-War Britain》by Clair Wills
我還沒開始讀,但之後會想看的:
《White Fragility: Why it’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism》by Robin Diangelo
《Don’t Touch My Hair》by Emma Dabiri
#Netflix:
《別人眼中的我們》
When They See Us
《憲法第十三條修正案》
13th
《流行大百科:種族間的貧富差距》Explained: The Racial Wealth Gap
《親愛的白人》Dear White People
《轉動光陰》See You Yesterday
- 其他:
衛報專題:https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/29/slavery-abolition-compensation-when-will-britain-face-up-to-its-crimes-against-humanity
在 6 月 4 日這天提醒自己,永不停止地關心那些受到迫害的人。有一天,我們都可能是少數。
歡迎大家多多分享!
_《倫敦男子日常 london.nanzhi》
.
來追蹤我 IG 看倫敦照片:https://instagram.com/london.nanzhi
部落格: https://weihongtseng.com
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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以下是我給回港避難英國武肺的英國寄宿學校香港幸運兒的短訊。不知說得對不對。敬請各位小精英指教:
The following is a message to those Hong Kong or Chinese kids who have escaped from a chaotic little Britain now being plagued by the much-terrified Chinese virus:
You have successfully performed Dunkirk with relief and triumph, to the amazement of the world.
Your fears are perhaps justified. And it is certainly a matter of multiculturalism and market freedom to choose to run away from your British boarding school at this moment. Above all, you all pay high fees. You have the right.
So, my congratulations first.
But I thought British boarding schools are there to train leadership rather than refugees, like Churchill from Harrow. Your rugby or canoeing games there are designed for the need to stay calm and cool, as well as team spirit during a crisis.
Especially when a whole classroom of kids from Britain and other nationalities are probably staying, waiting for further instructions or arrangements from their school, but only those from HK and China have all swiftly disappeared.
Either you don’t go back, or face a possible future whispering judgment by others in the school, as well as how the world including the West will adjust their judgment on China and Chinese after the virus is, hopefully, gone.
So good luck, and have a safe stay at home in Hong Kong.
the matter of britain 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
泰晤士報人物專訪【Joshua Wong interview: Xi won’t win this battle, says Hong Kong activist】
Beijing believes punitive prison sentences will put an end to pro-democracy protests. It couldn’t be more wrong, the 23-year-old says.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/joshua-wong-interview-xi-wont-win-this-battle-says-hong-kong-activist-p52wlmd0t
For Joshua Wong, activism began early and in his Hong Kong school canteen. The 13-year-old was so appalled by the bland, oily meals served for lunch at the United Christian College that he organised a petition to lobby for better fare. His precocious behaviour earned him and his parents a summons to the headmaster’s office. His mother played peacemaker, but the episode delivered a valuable message to the teenage rebel.
“It was an important lesson in political activism,” Wong concluded. “You can try as hard as you want, but until you force them to pay attention, those in power won’t listen to you.”
It was also the first stage in a remarkable journey that has transformed the bespectacled, geeky child into the globally recognised face of Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy. Wong is the most prominent international advocate for the protests that have convulsed the former British colony since last summer.
At 23, few people would have the material for a memoir. But that is certainly not a problem for Wong, whose book, #UnfreeSpeech, will be published in Britain this week.
We meet in a cafe in the Admiralty district, amid the skyscrapers of Hong Kong’s waterfront, close to the site of the most famous scenes in his decade of protest. Wong explains that he remains optimistic about his home city’s prospects in its showdown with the might of communist China under President Xi Jinping.
“It’s not enough just to be dissidents or youth activists. We really need to enter politics and make some change inside the institution,” says Wong, hinting at his own ambitions to pursue elected office.
He has been jailed twice for his activism. He could face a third stint as a result of a case now going through the courts, a possibility he treats with equanimity. “Others have been given much longer sentences,” he says. Indeed, 7,000 people have been arrested since the protests broke out some seven months ago; 1,000 of them have been charged, with many facing a sentence of as much as 10 years.
There is a widespread belief that Beijing hopes such sentences will dampen support for future protests. Wong brushes off that argument. “It’s gone too far. Who would imagine that Generation Z and the millennials would be confronting rubber bullets and teargas, and be fully engaged in politics, instead of Instagram or Snapchat? The Hong Kong government may claim the worst is over, but Hong Kong will never be peaceful as long as police violence persists.”
In Unfree Speech, Wong argues that China is not only Hong Kong’s problem (the book’s subtitle is: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now). “It is an urgent message that people need to defend their rights, against China and other authoritarians, wherever they live,” he says.
At the heart of the book are Wong’s prison writings from a summer spent behind bars in 2017. Each evening in his cell, “I sat on my hard bed and put pen to paper under dim light” to tell his story.
Wong was born in October 1996, nine months before Britain ceded control of Hong Kong to Beijing. That makes him a fire rat, the same sign of the Chinese zodiac that was celebrated on the first day of the lunar new year yesterday. Fire rats are held to be adventurous, rebellious and garrulous. Wong is a Christian and does not believe in astrology, but those personality traits seem close to the mark.
His parents are Christians — his father quit his job in IT to become a pastor, while his mother works at a community centre that provides counselling — and named their son after the prophet who led the Israelites to the promised land.
Like many young people in Hong Kong, whose housing market has been ranked as the world’s most unaffordable, he still lives at home, in South Horizons, a commuter community on the south side of the main island.
Wong was a dyslexic but talkative child, telling jokes in church groups and bombarding his elders with questions about their faith. “By speaking confidently, I was able to make up for my weaknesses,” he writes. “The microphone loved me and I loved it even more.”
In 2011, he and a group of friends, some of whom are his fellow activists today, launched Scholarism, a student activist group, to oppose the introduction of “moral and national education” to their school curriculum — code for communist brainwashing, critics believed. “I lived the life of Peter Parker,” he says. “Like Spider-Man’s alter-ego, I went to class during the day and rushed out to fight evil after school.”
The next year, the authorities issued a teaching manual that hailed the Chinese Communist Party as an “advanced and selfless regime”. For Wong, “it confirmed all our suspicions and fears about communist propaganda”.
In August 2012, members of Scholarism launched an occupation protest outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. Wong told a crowd of 120,000 students and parents: “Tonight we have one message and one message only: withdraw the brainwashing curriculum. We’ve had enough of this government. Hong Kongers will prevail.”
Remarkably, the kids won. Leung Chun-ying, the territory’s chief executive at the time, backed down. Buoyed by their success, the youngsters of Scholarism joined forces with other civil rights groups to protest about the lack of progress towards electing the next chief executive by universal suffrage — laid out as a goal in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s constitution. Their protests culminated in the “umbrella movement” occupation of central Hong Kong for 79 days in 2014.
Two years later, Wong and other leaders set up a political group, Demosisto. He has always been at pains to emphasise he is not calling for independence — a complete red line for Beijing. Demosisto has even dropped the words “self-determination” from its stated goals — perhaps to ease prospects for its candidates in elections to Legco, the territory’s legislative council, in September.
Wong won’t say whether he will stand himself, but he is emphatically political, making a plea for change from within — not simply for anger on the streets — and for stepping up international pressure: “I am one of the facilitators to let the voices of Hong Kong people be heard in the international community, especially since 2016.”
There are tensions between moderates and radicals. Some of the hardliners on the streets last year considered Wong already to be part of the Establishment, a backer of the failed protests of the past.
So why bother? What’s the point of a city of seven million taking on one of the world’s nastiest authoritarian states, with a population of about 1.4 billion? And in any case, won’t it all be over in 2047, the end of the “one country, two systems” deal agreed between China and Britain, which was supposed to guarantee a high degree of autonomy for another 50 years? Does he fear tanks and a repetition of the Tiananmen Square killings?
Wong acknowledges there are gloomy scenarios but remains a robust optimist. “Freedom and democracy can prevail in the same way that they did in eastern Europe, even though before the Berlin Wall fell, few people believed it would happen.”
He is tired of the predictions of think-tank pundits, journalists and the like. Three decades ago, with the implosion of communism in the Soviet bloc, many were confidently saying that the demise of the people’s republic was only a matter of time. Jump forward 20 years, amid the enthusiasm after the Beijing Olympics, and they were predicting market reforms and a growing middle class would presage liberalisation.
Neither scenario has unfolded, Wong notes. “They are pretending to hold the crystal ball to predict the future, but look at their record and it is clear no one knows what will happen by 2047. Will the Communist Party even still exist?”
https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1119445/unfree-speech
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