創造,不僅需要靈感,還需要落地。
記得年輕時我對自己的觀察是土星很強盛,認為自己是個doer不是個creator,可以執行但無法創造,總覺得自己沒有靈感不富創意。直到開始以文字記載自己的心情及內在轉變歷程,我才發現原來我的土海120, 有著把無意識落實成意識的潛能。透過月亮的安全需求及情緒敏感(月土海大三角),讓我的海王星在現實世界中發揮作用。
我自己的觀察是,當一個人擁有靈感或直覺時,那是與宇宙接通的剎那,與自己內在神性連結的時刻,通常都是帶有智慧的。而能否參透這個智慧把它落實成現實生活中的智識,則取決於能否克服想要誔生和不想誕生之間的衝突掙扎,因為每一次的創作都是與本源分離,一個從誕生到死亡的過程。
更高層次地說,這股具體化的渴望是對生命的肯定,而不是退回幻想中對生命的否定。如果一個人只存在著夢想及理想,卻沒有實際付諸執行,那麼充其量只是在伊甸園中幻想著世界的美侖美幻,卻與真實脫節,實是否定生命的創造力的。
若一個人常以幻想來逃避現實,可能是在心理發展過程中母嬰分離沒有完成,在真實世界中容易以幻想退回自己世界來獲取安全感,卻又不覺得自己的獨立意識得以落地,於是要讓夢想成真的執行過程就變得困難重重。我們能做的除了探索自己的內在議題之外,也可以試著讓每一個靈感直覺落地,把它記錄下來抓出目標,一次定一小步驟確實執行,那麼很有可能夢想就能實現,創造力得以發揮。
這也讓我想到睡眠問題,它也與創造有關,只是它是在潛意識層面運作。若是不容易進入睡眠或是淺眠的人,實是不願意放下意識(掌控)進入潛意識(臣服)。通常我們會解釋成為頭腦停不下來,不斷思考白天的各種事項,也就是身體交感神經過度運作。更深層地來看,這就是傾向以個人力量來掌控命運,實是否定生命有自己進程的代表。當力量都集中在控制時,就沒有多餘的能力去創造。
以睡眠對身體的修復來看,就無法再生新細胞替身體做清理及排毒,所以睡眠品質不好的人,身體相對來說會較難自癒。我個人的經驗是,任何病痛只要好好睡一覺,身體會自動修復,約莫3天病痛就會消失不見不藥自癒。
愈信任肯定生命,創造力就愈流動,就愈不需要握在手心的安全感。
本源消痛 在 Facebook 的最佳解答
【注意力法則】
無論你把注意力放在什麼上面,它都會實現,不管它是大還是小,是好還是壞的,靈性法則保證依照你給它注意力的確實百分比來使結果顯現。
注意力是你思想、言語與行為的焦點,在第三次元的物質世界中,有一句諺語說:“眼見為憑,你看到的就是你相信的。”然而智者總是告訴我們:“你相信的就是你看到的。”如今原子物理學證明,這些智者與神秘家從古至今告訴我們的是對的,實驗者的思想影響了實驗的結果。物理學家告訴我們,夸克(譯註:quarks,此詞由諾貝爾物理獎得主美國物理學家蓋爾曼[Murray Gell-Mann]創造,假設由三個核粒子組成的粒子組中的任何一個,每個夸克帶有的電荷少於電子的電荷,被認為有可能是所有原子粒的組成部分。)是由集中的思想形成的原子粒,這些現在可以被拍攝下來,當個人不再專注時粒子便會消失,而實驗結果也會根據實驗者的期待而有所不同。
生命會依據個人的期待而有所不同,如果十個人在類似的情境中,每個人有一幅不同的結果畫面,根據這個畫面每個人將創造出有些許差異的結果,你創造你自己的實相與世界,如今科學支持這個靈性真理。
我最近看到這個法則顯現在我認識的兩個人身上,他們各自都要舉行一場活動,蕾蓓嘉要組織一個相當小型的活動,她一直說:“有非常多的位置要填滿,我希望能賣光所有的票,廣告費太貴了。”這樣的想法把她的注意力從她希望的結果上轉移開,那個晚上大廳只有半滿。
珍正在籌劃一場相當大型的表演,她很清楚而且正向,充滿熱誠地述說著那件活動,她的注意力從來沒有從預見一場表演極棒且座無虛席的畫面動搖過。她顯現了她的預見。
唯一讓你無法實踐夢想的是你的懷疑與恐懼,倘若你百分之二十的焦點放在你想要的東西上,你將實踐你百分之二十的夢想;倘若你投注百分百的焦點在你想要的結果上,你將有百分百的結果,注意力法則是精確的。
觀照你把思想放在什麼地方。
如果你正在開車,把注意力放在路的前方,否則你可能會撞車,你注意路標因此不會走錯方向,當你把焦點放在開車時,你會安全抵達目的地,或者到達你的人生目的地,當我們在生命的道路上旅行,我們需要注意宇宙(註:來自本源的我)指引我們道路的耳語和暗示。
如果你把注意力放在焦慮或恐懼上,你是在給它能量,然後把它創造出來,讓最糟的情節在腦海中翻騰,或持續地談論你的恐懼,是一種強大的方式把它們吸引到你的生命裡。
我的一位客戶處在極大的焦慮中,因為她一直覺得她的婚姻會破碎,把她的注意力放在她的關係失敗上。這將會使她無意識的頭腦,按照她的計劃,來使她的伴侶關係破碎,宇宙當然會藉由丟一個具有挑戰的情境到她的路上來支持這個觀點,她的伴侶也一直拾取她心中恐懼與分離的訊息,而這會導致他退縮,無可避免地使這段關係中止,她實現了她自己的預言。
如果你的大腳趾有一個痛處,你把焦點放在上面,你擔心它,然後翻攪著恐怖的可能性,有很大的可能它會變得更糟;如果你接到一通電話帶來令人興奮的消息,將你的注意力從你的腳趾上轉移,痛苦就會消失了。
正面是比負面更具有力量的指令。
把焦點放在正面的情境上,思考與談論正面的情境(註:特別是放在你喜歡的情境上),當你把注意力放在正面時,你在使你的夢想實踐。
如果你正在寫一本書、畫一幅畫、蓋一間房子,或是投入任何的計劃中,在你腦中保持完美的成果,當你持有這個願景,然後做必須的工作後,成功是確定的。決定出你的願景,對它做承諾,(隨順)做需要的工作,給它充分的注意力,然後你將驚訝你的生命是如此地綻放。
這裡有一些小小的警告,當你種下一粒種子,你有一幅美麗的植物出現在適當時刻的圖像,你為它澆水,照顧它,然而你不會持續地把它挖起來,檢查它是不是好的。
因此,把注意力放在你的願景上,但不要分析過度以致讓它死去。
把焦點放在你想要的,然後你將得到它。
#薰詩奈
#心靈財富
#療愈系列
#國際催眠師薰詩奈
#占卜師
#注意力法則
#靈性法則
本源消痛 在 黃浩銘 Raphael Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
(案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)
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「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘,即訂閱Patreon:
patreon.com/raphaelwong
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胡法官雅文閣下:
2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!
在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?
社會之病根
對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。
最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021