關於 aside from, except for ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

‘An English-speaking Mao Zedong’｜Lee Yee

In mid-November, a friend of mine, a youngster, texted me: “He’s really stingy.” I replied: “It’s OK! Even though we have been holding different views for years, he has been putting up with my audacity.”

Since we met because of June 4 at a dinner with other pro-democracy movement figures, we have been acquainted with each other for more than 30 years, during which we had frequent dealings and contact with one another for a number of years. Asked by him about how much money was needed for running a magazine, I, the operator of The 90s, a business with small capital, told him to put in ten times of mine for a weekly publication. In the end, he invested a hundred times of it in running the most influential magazine that cornered the market in town. Later on, he founded a newspaper which also changed the media ecology in Hong Kong, initiating an unprecedented market setting all at once.

Inspired by the democracy movement in Beijing to switch to another line of work, he surely did it for his compassion for China. I used to have it myself, and it stayed strong until June 4, after which I merely hoped for the indigenous values of Hong Kong to be preserved. In light of the Handover being imperative under the circumstances, to get the democratization of Hong Kong moving seemed to be the only way out, though I reckoned the chance of success was slender as well.

In terms of our beliefs in freedom, democracy and the rule of law, there hasn’t been much difference between us. As to our outlooks on the prospect of democracy of China and Hong Kong, I have always been pessimistic while he has always taken the opposite view. It is understandable because pessimism is never an obstacle to my writing while it is to an operation of such a big media business.

In 2005, I was invited by him to become a writer-turned-editor in charge of the opinion page. He promised me back then he would never meddle in my editorial orientation. As I recommended on purpose a commentator who had fallen foul of the paper, he consented without hesitation. It’s a shame that I was finally turned down by that commentator.

From being an editor to being fired nine years later, from writing editorials to writing a column, I have been disagreeing with him on a number of issues over the last decade: localists versus pro-Greater China camp, freedom of discussion about independence, evaluation of the youths and the valiant, support for or criticisms of the pan-democratic alliance, “conspiracy theories” in all previous elections… But as my boss, he has been putting up with me, delivering to me his opposite viewpoints through somebody else. And he never hampered me from publishing articles I showed him in advance that bluntly criticized him.

With his compassion for Greater China, opening up of China was definitely appealing to him. As far as I know, China did try quite a number of times to take him in in its united front work. There was an occasion that one of his good friends met him in Taiwan, saying to him that he was invited by the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) to pay a visit to China, that he was to be allowed to run newspapers there about everything – entertainments, sports and the society, except for politics, and that in view of the growing economy of China, he would earn a big fortune. No sooner had he finished listening to it than he called the security guards to send the guest off. Later, he explained to me why he did it so abruptly instead of euphemizing. He said he was actually afraid of not being able to resist the enticement, and that he would abstain from the principle of distancing himself from the power. Listening to the story about his being aware he would get feeble, I admired him in all sincerity.

At whiles I just think he displeased the CCP not because of his words and deeds, but the fact that he couldn’t tell good from bad. Who couldn’t be bought off? Not least he’s just a businessman. That was just so riling!

When the publication began in Taiwan, I was told that according to the tacit business regulation in Taiwan, kickbacks had to be given to those who were empowered to do ad placements from the clients’ side. Yet the boss disapproved of it, which made things difficult for the staff in the advertising department. I asked him why he couldn’t bend the rule a little. He said as we kept laying bare under-the-table deals among politicians and businessmen, it was hard to justify ourselves if we also engaged in the same dirty deals. He is really somebody who insists on complying with laws, attaches importance to rules and ethics. Whenever I think of such a person being imprisoned, I feel sorrowful about him and the society.

It has been more than a year since last time I got in touch with him that he gave me a call asking me to stop writing my memoir for a few days to talk about the anti-extradition movement in my column in March last year. That was the only time he has ever suggested a writing topic for me. I agreed for I was going to do the same thing.

The youngsters in touch with me have always been discontent with him and his paper because of a lot of events over more than a decade, but I have always told them to take a look at a bigger picture. He is said to be an English-speaking Mao Zedong in the newsroom. Maybe it’s true. Mao’s merits and demerits aside, his manifest stubbornness and insane words and deeds showed he was somebody that would achieve something big. Winston Churchill was also an eccentric and moody person, but he did a marvelous feat against all odds. It seems Trump belongs to the same category, so does he.

The silent revolution (Lee Yee)

Before democrats’ primaries, except for one or two Hong Kong government officials jibber-jabbering sporadically, major bureaucrats from Beijing and Hong Kong had been very reticent about it. But afterward, Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government and Carrie Lam denounced in tandem that the primaries were a breach of the Basic Law, the National Security Law as well as the electoral law, yet without uttering which article of them. Why? Perhaps it was due to another wrongly projected scenario by the Chinese Communist Party. In view of the media being nonchalant about the primaries and Tai Yiuting being unconfident in drawing in one-tenth of the pro-democracy electorate(170 thousand voters), they had thought that citizens were apathetic towards the primaries. If that was what it all amounted to, there was nothing to worry about, and they would surely be glad to see it end in fiasco.

Who would have thought that as many as 610 thousand voters who had kept a low profile would have swarmed the polling stations to take the whole world aback? Though the communist China and Hong Kong hastily took remedial actions right away, it was already too late. The primaries already shocked the world.

A wise young man has called on me lately. He put forward a few questions, the first of which was: Which four among all major events in the past year including 6.9, 6.12, 6.16, 7.1, 7.21, 8.31, siege to the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Hong Kong Polytechnic University do you pick to best encapsulate the entire course of the movement?

My answer was: Being a watcher and critic, I’m far from being able to encapsulate the entire movement, but since the start of the anti-extradition movement, there have been a lot of incidents boggling my mind, or more specifically getting me awakened, while changing my perceptual knowledge thoroughly.

The first event is 6.12. Before that day, I had not believed the extradition amendment bill would be laid aside for the communist China and Hong Kong’s resolve was so decided and the pro-establishment faction, the majority in the Legislative Council, had declared support for it, not to mention the government proclaimed on the night right after the 6.9 one million people demonstration that the Second Reading debate on the bill would be resumed. I was concerned about the safety of the protesters who charged, and deemed the radical behaviors useless. Though I understood why the young people did so, I did not find the valiant attempts in the protests desirable. After 6.12, my conception has altered and the five appeals put forward since have been prevailing.

The second event is 6.28. Nothing happened in Hong Kong that day when leaders of various countries converged for G20 summit in Osaka, Japan. Less than a week before, some young people had advocated crowdfunding 3 million dollars for advertising on front pages of influential newspapers in different languages all around the world. Fundraising aside, based on my half-a-century experience in news publication, it is hardly possible to pull it off. But they did it jaw-droppingly well beyond doubt. Even though the leaders of G20 did not react forthwith, the global attention being drawn to Hong Kong and the Hong Kong’s story being ushered into the international arena by the advertisement are indisputable facts. The thought-provoking courage of the young people reshaped my appraisal of the new generation of Hong Kong.

The third event is 7.21+8.31. This two-in-one incident totally transmuted my impression on Hong Kong police. Citizens come into contact with police officers more than any civil servants. The complexion of the police is the complexion of the city. When police officers become public security officers, Hong Kong becomes a place I am no longer familiar with.

The forth event is siege to the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Polytechnic University plus the District Council election. Before the District Council voting, young people had kept on charging valiantly with support from the public, and some citizens had complained about traffic inconvenience caused by the protests. When the day of election was nearing, the society was surprisingly peaceful. Would ordinary citizens, mostly self-absorbed, support the protest? In the end, the turnout and results of the election were dumb-founding. The misjudgement by communist China and Hong Kong became laughingstock. The Chinese officials in charge of Hong Kong affairs stepped down or got demoted.

Every time my mind was boggled, I came at something in one way or another and was somehow awakened through self-reflection. Looking at the primaries of democrats under the threat of the National Security Law, I realized that Hong Kongers on the whole have completely mutated in the past year. All the events that all citizens can take part have been undergoing fundamental changes. Those who keep a low profile will creep into our view to take us aback.

A silent revolution is ongoing. There is no turning back for Hong Kong. When Hong Kongers reminisce about the current “darkest hour” in future, they will find out that in fact that was the “best time”.

(Lee Yee, a prominent political commentator in Hong Kong who embarked on a career of writing and subediting in 1956, has been contributing unremittingly political commentaries to the local press.)

Exchange for Support (Lee Yee)

There was one other major world event on Jul 1, apart from the promulgation of the National Security Law for Hong Kong. A referendum was held in Russia on the revision of the country’s Constitution.

In the Newscast on the night before last, CCTV broadcast a key feature about the telephone dialogue between Xi Jinping and Russian President Putin. Putin expressed firm support from Russia for China's efforts to maintain national security in Hong Kong. Xi mentioned the Russian constitutional amendment, endorsed by a majority vote in a referendum, which will allow Putin’s term as the president to last until 2036. Xi reaffirmed China’s firm support for Russia's commitment to a development direction that is appropriate for the nation.

Not a word was uttered by China on Russia’s celebration of its 160-year occupation of Vladivostok. Instead, the compliments on Putin’s uninterrupted re-election were dished out in exchange for Russia’s support for the National Security Law.

Although there are 53 countries on the United Nations Human Rights Commission (and reportedly 20 more) that support Hong Kong National Security Law, once all the names of these countries are unfolded, it is not hard to spot that none of them are countries that would likely attract Chinese nor Hong Kong people to invest, study, or live in. There is not a single great power amongst them. However, though opposition to the law has only been voiced out by 27 countries, all of them are influential with significant leverage on world affairs. Of course, among them the most adamant is the United States, which has withdrawn from the Human Rights Commission. Now that Russia is at last joining the Chinese bandwagon, the situation looks a little less awkward for China.

On July 1, the referendum on the constitutional amendments in Russia drew to a close. 78% of the voters supported the amendments, the most important one of which is the "removal of the upper limit of the presidential term in the ‘re-election’ clause”. That is to say, all the presidential terms before the amendment takes effect will be revoked. Everything will be back to zero. Putin's term of office will start all over again. According to the new constitution, Putin can be re-elected as the president until 2036. He will have stayed in the highest power for the longest in Russian history, even surpassing the reign of Peter the Great.

Like Xi Jinping, who forced through the National Security Law for Hong Kong, Putin did not receive any blessings from other major international powers for his feat. There was no strong opposition because after all it went through a referendum. The United States and the European Union, however, were skeptical about the voting process, questioning whether there was coercion of voters, or repeated voting.

Russia's deletion of the presidential re-election regulations is analogous to China's deletion of the presidential re-election regulations in the year before last. With both world powers ruled by lifetime leaders, concerns about such a situation have been raised in international public opinion.

Despite all the twists and turns throughout history, in China as well other countries, everything boiled down to power struggles that basically stemmed from succession schemes amongst the most powerful, which in turn came with a lifetime tenure amongst top leaders. A lifetime tenure for the most powerful led to absolute power that bred absolute corruption, which is the root cause of all political complexities in human society.

All the struggles in the royal courts originated from the inheritance of power. The potential heirs, not the sons, of an emperor were the focuses. There was no place for normal family intimacies amongst sons, daughters, siblings, wives and concubines. Family relationships were built on associations with the potential heirs. For the past 70 years in the Soviet Union, the severe suppression of the people by the dictatorship, and all the brutal struggles have all been due to the inheritance of power at the highest level. During Mao Zedong’s rule, every single one of the never ending political movements of class struggles could be traced back to the inheritance of power at the top. Ordinary people were the victims as a result.

After millennia in the dark ages, it was not until 1776 when the United States became independent that the problem of inheritance of power at the highest level was basically solved. Finally, people could vote to authorize the succession of power in a legal manner, without bloodshed and contention. A system was established to ensure the separation of the three powers, a multi-party system, freedom of news reporting, speech, religion, and association, etc. as checks and balances of the highest power so as to prevent absolute corruption that came with absolute power.

In 1800, there were only three democratic countries in the world. By 2015, the number of countries authorized by the peoples’ votes increased to 130. According to Churchill, ‘democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.’ In all those that have been tried, plebs were inevitably victimized in the power struggles.

Deng Xiaoping might also have understood that power inheritance is the root cause of all political complexities. That was why he laid down the system for naming the heir for the generation after the immediate next. This system achieved a certain period of social stability. What is the impact of abandoning this approach? Putting China aside, what we saw in Hong Kong was the changes in the period from the Causeway Bay Bookstore incident to the implementation of the Hong Kong version of National Security Law.

Today's agenda is to shop for camping supplies with Ryuji. He's waiting in Shibuya's Station Square, at the spot where Yoshida used to do his speeches. Your supposed shopping trip is quickly derailed when some celebrity catches your friend's attention. And that curiosity somehow takes the group back into the Metaverse
You will meet the Jail's monarch not long after a fight with some Shadows. She decides you're not worth her time and sends everyone to the dumps. As this is your first time in a jail, you'll only get to explore a portion of the Underground Waterway, where most of it will be spent learning about the basics of platforming and combat.
Shown above is a full map of the Waterway. The dumps is at the northwest edge and you must work your way southeast towards the Shibuya Station West Exit. For starters, approach the large crate for a cut-scene that ends in you gaining a new party member
Keep following the destination marker and go through all the tutorial encounters as you head for the goal. Looking at the map again, there is a ledge you can climb not far from where you started (turn around and backtrack a bit after the short tutorial about Using Items) to reach a treasure chest. It contains a Breath Sash (Max HP +10) accessory
Moving further south leads to another wall. The game teaches you how to double jump as soon as you reach it so that to reach the ledge, then jump again to find another treasure chest tucked away in one of the alcoves. Open it for an HP Incense. This works in the same way as the ones in Royal, except you can use them on your characters instead of Joker's Personas.

A powered-up Bicorn will be waiting near the exit so it would be wise to save your showtime attack for that one, if you managed to fill the gauge at any point while fighting Shadows. Aside from that, this enemy is just like any other Bicorn. It is weak to lightning and has Lunge as its strongest attack.
You can't switch characters yet so you can't take advantage of Ryuji's SP. The AI juat doesn't use Zio as much as you would have liked. Still, Joker has more than enough skills to take down the Dirty Two-Horned Beast. Use Zio from Pixie to exploit its weakness then attack again with One More to slowly break the two shield icons under its HP. Once both are gone, it'll be stunned and you can hit it with an All-Out Attack. Use your gun for follow-up hits that quickly close the distance in addition to damage.The larger the down gauge, the more vulnerable the enemy becomes. Notice that whenever you do damage, an orange meter is slowly exposed as the enemy's HP drops. This is the down gauge and you'll want to make it as big as possible by continuously stringing combos. Not only will you do more damage this way but it will also effectively stop a target from being able to counter. The down gauge only stays exposed for a limited time however, so you'll want to really go all-out with those combos if you wish to take advantage of it.
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更多手持攪拌棒的實用密技
自己做月亮蝦餅真簡單→https://youtu.be/DysZRAzs6Ks
四種濃湯一次學→https://youtu.be/8bD9P-rA3To
火鍋醬料自己做最省錢→https://youtu.be/FzLrFV8EyAQ
手持攪拌棒的妙用→https://youtu.be/HZHBXBfrLtI
六種涼麵醬一次學會→https://youtu.be/GNv1PdxllO0


[Blending the filling with the food processor is essential] Click to Order → https://goo.gl/5yq85Z

月亮蝦餅Full Moon Shrimp Patties

材料：
蝦仁 300公克、蔥段15公克、薑塊 20公克、春捲皮 2張、蛋白 1顆
Ingredients:
Shelled shrimp 300 grams, green onions 15 grams, ginger chunks 20 grams, spring roll skins 2 sheets, 1 egg white.

調味料：
鹽 1/4茶匙、細砂糖 1/2茶匙、白胡椒粉 1/6茶匙 、太白粉 2大匙、香油 1茶匙
Seasoning:
salt 1/4 teaspoon, finely granulated sugar 1/2 teaspoon, white peppercorn powder 1/6 teaspoon, cornstarch 2 tablespoons, sesame oil 1 teaspoon

泰式甜辣醬
蒜末10公克、白醋60cc、辣椒末10公克、水40cc、細糖45公克、魚露1大匙、太白粉水1大匙
Thai style sweet chili sauce
Minced garlic 10 grams, 60cc's white vinegar, hot chili pepper powder 10 grams, 40cc's water, fine granulated sugar 45 grams, fish sauce 1 tablespoon, cornstarch and water 1 tablespoon

作法：
1.將所有沾醬材料（太白粉水除外），一起煮滾，最後以太白粉水勾芡即可。

2.蝦仁洗淨後去腸泥瀝乾；先將蔥段、薑片放入調理機打碎。

3.將蝦仁入調理機中，加入所有調味料，一起打成蝦漿備用。
(重點提示：加入蛋白，蝦仁口感更滑順)

4.取一張春捲皮平攤，抹上作法3的蝦泥攤平，再取1張春捲皮將其蓋上後輕輕拍緊成一蝦餅，再用竹籤在蝦餅表面戳洞。
(重點提示：用手輕拍蝦餅讓空氣排出，讓蝦餅更紮實，表面戳洞，炸時才不會皮餡分離)

5.熱鍋，倒入適量油，加熱至約140℃，放入作法3做好的蝦餅，以小火半煎炸約4分鐘，並輕輕翻面，再炸約3分鐘至表面呈金黃色即可取出瀝乾油，切成小片，再搭配泰式甜辣醬即可。
Preparation Method:
1. Assemble all the sauce ingredients (except for the cornstarch water,) and boil them all together. Finally, use the cornstarch water to thicken it.

2. Rinse the visceral waste from the shrimp and drain; First place the green onion segments then the ginger slices into the food processor and chop them up.

3. Place the shelled shrimp into the food processor, add all the seasonings and blend them all together. Afterwards, set the shrimp puree aside.

(Important point to remember: Adding the egg white makes the shrimp taste more smooth and palatable.)

4. Take one spring roll skin and spread it out. Next, spread the puree from step 3 evenly. Next take a spring roll skin to form a back covering and pat it into a tight shrimp cake, then poke holes in the surface with a bamboo stick.
(Important points to remember: Using the hands to lightly pat the shrimp pattie lets the air out and makes the shrimp pattie more solid. Poking holes in the surface of the skin prevents air bubbles from forming in the fried stuffing and splitting the skin while frying.)

5. Pour a suitable amount of oil into a frying pan and heat to about 140 ℃, then put in the finished shrimp pattie from step 3 and fry over low heat for about 4 1/2 minutes then gently turn it over and fry it for about 3 minutes until the surface is golden brown. Remove and let it drain, cut into small sections, top it with the Thai sweet chili sauce and that's all.

-

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【楊桃美食網】台式月餅 Taiwanese-Style Mooncakes

餅皮材料：
低筋麵粉140g、糖粉65g、雞蛋30g、乳化劑1/2大匙、奶粉8g、鹽1/4小匙、水麥芽30g、奶油30g
餡料：烏豆沙餡900g

Pastry Crust Ingredients:
140 grams low-gluten flour, 65 grams powdered sugar, 30 grams egg, 1/2 tablespoon of emulsifier, 8 grams powdered milk, 1/4 teaspoon salt, 30 grams malt syrup, 30 grams butter

Filling: 900 grams black bean paste

做法
1.先將所有粉類一起過篩，築成粉牆。
2.再將其他材料(奶油除外)到入粉牆中拌勻
3.拌勻之後再將奶油加入麵糰中拌勻，揉至光亮成糰，再用塑膠袋包起備用
4.將餡料切分成60g一個，餅皮切分成20g一個。
5.每一個餅皮包裹一個餡料，均勻的包裹，整成長圓形，再放入模中壓平整，輕輕的將月餅敲出
6.下火240上火220或上下火220，烘烤3-5分鐘讓餅皮先定型，先取出烤箱，餅皮花紋上刷上蛋黃，再續烤到金黃色即可

Preparation Instructions
1. First put all of the flour and powders into a sifter and sift into a pile.
2. Mix in all the other ingredients except for the butter into the pile and knead it all well.
3. Then add the butter to the dough mixture and knead it in lightly until the dough forms an oily sheen, then wrap the dough up in plastic wrap and set it aside.
4. Divide the bean filling into 60 gram parts, divide the pastry crust into 20 gram parts.
5. Round out the filling and wrap it up uniformly within the pastry to a round package, then place it into the mold. Press down to flatten the pastry and then gently tap out the moon cake.
6. Set the oven bottom heat to 240 degrees Celsius and top heat to 220 degrees Celsius, or both top and bottom to 220 degrees Celsius, bake for 3-5 minutes to set the pastry. Remove pastry from the oven and brush egg yolk onto the pastry crust pattern and resume baking until it is golden brown.

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