代表台灣挑戰明年奧斯卡獎最佳動畫短片的《基石》線上看。
基督徒慎入。
A satire animation about Fundamentalism. (English statement below)
去年三月完成的作品《基石》終於決定在今天發布
謝謝指導教授鐘世凱老師的建議與包容,和一起創作配樂的夥伴 林孝親 Szu-yu Lin,讓聲音和影像配合的天衣無縫, WinSound Studio 紋聲音樂 絕對是品質一流的代名詞,還有一路上幫助本片產出的所有朋友們,謝謝你們!
《基石》的用意並不是要批判特定的宗教,而是特別針對冥頑不靈的基本教義派的信徒,幾乎在每個宗教都有這一群人的存在,他們用盡用手段強迫別人接受其價值觀,特別是在孩童和青少年的心靈身上有著非常大的負面影響,尤其是越聽話的小孩傷害越大,因為父母們教什麼他們就會做什麼。小的時候,我還真因為長輩的話,就相信神奇寶貝是邪靈、哈利波特是魔鬼的化身、流行音樂聽久了會墮落、看了部A片就害怕自己會下地獄,長輩們的善意,扭曲成強迫接受他們的信仰,常常遇到無法解釋的教義或價值觀,就會用情緒勒索的方式,讓你就算接受了也充滿著罪惡感,多少也影響童年的社交生活,越投入在宗教社群之中,越覺得外面的人事物充滿邪惡。在本片的製作過程中,我常常是帶著憤怒的情緒工作著,氣以前愚蠢的自己,也氣現在還是有許多人自認為是正義的化身,手握「真理」的權杖,到處迫害別人。
自己也曾陰錯陽差造訪一些其他的宗教團體,撇開教義和儀式不談,其實會發現有許多的相似之處,他們大多用「親身體驗」的見證去說服別人入教,卻永遠無法有個完美的說詞去解釋一些違背基本邏輯和科學的事情(如果感覺有效,誰管你的故事有什麼漏洞),再藉由社群的力量,慢慢地滲透你的生活和社交圈,直到無法脫身,待在這個群體久了,漸漸接受了該團體的價值觀,本來覺得疑惑的地方也無所謂了,習慣了他們特殊的儀式,甚至連講話的辭彙都開始變異了,生活上偶爾發生一些好事,就會覺得是信仰的緣故而更加投入,最後就會自傲的覺得自己的信仰比起其他的宗教有多偉大,常常看到不同宗教甚至是教派互相敵視對方為邪靈或異端就覺得好笑,其實你們真的,都差不多。
跑過各大的影展後,許多正面和負面的回饋都有,但我不怕批評,因為本片所有橋段和元素全部都是真實改寫自本人和朋友親身經歷過的事情,也有不少基督徒朋友看過後跟我說他們非常能感同身受,一個宗教團體之中雖有固執不通的人卻也有許多開明包容的人士,我無意辯駁其教義,也尊重每個人對信仰的理解,只想問大家
你是真的完全相信你的信仰嗎?有多少教義的漏洞你是故意漠視不去思考的?還是因為家人、朋友的人情壓力才選擇繼續待在其中?又或者是害怕離教之後,會在現世、來世或死後會有所懲罰?
請誠實面對自己的信仰,如果是真的相信,那麼請尊重其他和你不同信仰的人的權利!不是所有人都應該照著你的教條走,這是一個自由平等的社會,任何的種族、性別、宗教、性傾向的基本人權都必須公平對待。
但如果你發現你已經做個假信徒很久了,那麼勇敢地離開吧!真實的東西是經得起考驗,離開了象牙塔後,試著用不同角度和更寬廣的眼光去觀察這個世界,相信你會找到尋屬於你自己的人生定義。
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[English] Translated by Shannon Yeung
“On first glance, “Fundamental” might look like a blanket criticism of Christianity, making it incredibly easy to dismiss as offensive or even as atheistic propaganda. Yet if you look beyond the provocation, I
hope you will realize that it only intends to criticize a very specific component of religion: dogmatic scripture.
Religious upbringing plays a significant role in shaping the values of a child, values that can easily be upheld for life. This is especially detrimental for obedient children who have yet developed the rational capacity and courage to question their parents.
When I was young, I genuinely believed that Pokemon were evil spirits, that Harry Potter was a devil in disguise, that listening to pop music would lead to degradation, that watching pornography would lead to eternal pain in Hell. Whenever I struggled to endorse contradictory teachings, I would be coerced into fearful acceptance rather than reasoned into genuine belief. Not only is such threat-based enforcement of religion unreasonable, but the resultant guilt also became an enormous burden that inevitably affected how I perceived others and how I handled my social interactions. The more I engaged with my religious community, the more I doubted the kindness I received. Teachings of faith, love, and compassion simply could not counteract the bleak, evil picture painted by original sin.
During the production stages of the animation, I could not help but feel furious. I was furious at my young, foolish self and I am still angry at self-claimed justice warriors spreading falsehood in the name of religion.
Over the years, I have engaged with followers of other religions as an effort to understand. Aside from obvious differences in teachings and rituals, I have found that most religious followers use personal experiences to justify their beliefs, but can never offer a compelling argument to explain contradictions in basic logic and science. Surely, if hearsay was all it took to convert someone, no one would care about the contradictions. Perhaps this applies to some, but the way I see it is that peer pressure and investment into faith tends to mellow out any initial suspicions. Once one conforms to the rituals and adopts the religious semantics by habit, even mere luck points to God. When everything becomes a positive reinforcement of God, one might fall into the trap of believing that their religion is exclusively better than the rest, sneer at other religions, and fail to see just how similarly foolish all Fundamentalism is.
This film has screened at many major film festivals and the reception has been both positive and negative as you might imagine. I am not afraid of criticism because the plot was inspired by my own experiences and a sentiment shared among my friends. Since the film aired, a significant number of people from the Christian community have told me that my film resonated very closely with their experience too. Indeed, some religious people are stubborn, obnoxious and unreasonable, but there are also many who are incredibly tolerant, understanding and empathetic. I do respect everyone’s interpretation of religion, but for those who feel offended by this film, ask yourself: Do you wholeheartedly believe in your religion? How many contradictions have you deliberately shied away from? If you do identify as religious, are you choosing by your own will or are you pressured by friends and family? Or are you subscribing to religion solely for salvation?
Please scrutinize your belief with utter honesty. If you are convinced by your religion, please respect other people’s right to believe in other religions too. There is a fine line between respectful proselytization and an aggressive imposition of religion. This should be a free and equal society where all races, sexes, genders, religions, sexual orientations are treated with basic respect.
Or, if you realize that you have been an atheist at heart the entire time, feel free to cut off your ties with religion! Once you leave the ivory tower, try to examine the world from different perspectives, and I can assure you will find your own meaning of life. The truth will stand the test of time.”
想觀看高畫質影片請按這裡~
https://vimeo.com/300120279
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f68vO5jX5_E&t=3s
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Credit
導演 Director:
邱士杰 (ShihChieh Chiu)
動畫 Animator:
邱士杰 Shih-Chieh Chiu、張明潔 Ming-Chieh Chang
配音 Voice Actor:
林冠宇 Guan-Yu Lin、邱士杰 Shih-Chieh Chiu、廖容萱 Jung-Shan Liao、莊采融 Cai-Rong Zhuang、林鼎傑 Dan Lin、陳變法 Bian-Fa Chen
指導教授 Supervisor:
鐘世凱 Shih-Kai Chung
音樂與音效製作Music & Sound Design Production:
@紋聲音樂 WinSound Studio
音樂與音效Music & Sound Design:
林孝親 Hsiao-Chin Lin、林思妤 Szu-Yu Lin
混音Scoring Mixer & Re-recording Mixer:
林孝親 Hsiao-Chin Lin
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in disguise meaning 在 歪畸 Facebook 的最佳解答
我相信相信當年死於無情槍火與坦克下的學子
想見到的不是大家每年只有哭喪著臉的悼念而無理性深切的反思
若大家只哀悼他們的死亡,而忘記他們當初所抱持的信念,這樣實在是白費了他們的犧牲
紀念六四不應只是一種點蠟燭、喊口號的儀式
紀念六四應有的態度是以八九民運的勇士為榜樣:對公義和自由有一份應有的執著,對暴政強權有奮身反抗的勇氣,對自己的家園有願意付出的精神。
同時,我們必須緊記中共的邪惡,對於這個殘暴且無恥的政權,我們絕對不能妥協退讓;對於一切向其獻媚的奸佞之徒,我們也絕對不能容忍。
所謂「愛國」或「建設民主中國」,對於港人而言只是華而不實的煽情之談,對於香港的前途毫無禆益,反而令香港的民主進程裹足不前,在地抗爭、自立尋生才是港人的出路
當然,獨立自決不能一蹴而就,除了實際參與各種抗爭行動之外,大家還可以在改變議會、捍衛言論自由、對抗洗腦教育......等議題上盡一分力:做助選義工也好,傳揚民主思想也好,就政府各政策的諮詢去信表達意見也好......有很多事情是我們可以做、應該做的
就算未能像當年的勇士般置生死於度外,至少也要犧牲一點享樂的時間為香港做點事,讓自己對得起這片土地、對得起下一代
共勉之。
愛國盡頭乃殘民赤禍 痛悟前非當自立尋生
香港大學學生會六四宣言
廿七年前的春夏之交,中國翻起巨變,人人以為民主、自由即將降臨。可惜事與願違,一場波瀾壯闊的民主運動,最後以血腥鎮壓告終,無數市民學子魂斷於國家機器之下,遭秋後算帳而身陷囹圄、痛遭刑劫者亦不計其數。學生以愛國之名掀起學潮,豈料國家卻早已遭殘民以逞的共匪竊去。墨寫的謊話,掩不住血色真相。縱然身處相對自由的國度,本着良知與公義,港人一直未有遺忘八九年的這段歷史。可惜,在一河之隔的中國人民,卻似乎早為獨裁者的巧言令色矇蔽,沉醉於暴發戶式的中國夢當中,除極少數的維權份子以外,根本無人願意直視政權之非人暴行。廿七年後再回首,六四屠城無疑標誌着中共錯失最後一個自我完善的機會。六四以後,中國與民主正式話別,民權不彰而黨政威權當道,公權力無限膨脹,貪污腐敗無所制約,優良文化日漸消亡,社會自此走上一條不歸之路。
六四屠城不獨是中國的轉捩點,更是港人主體身份建立的一個分水嶺。一方面,它扼碎了港人對中國改革開放的幻想,催生香港本位主體意識;另一方面,卻又矛盾地將港中兩地人民的命運混為一談,扼殺主體意識。多年來,維園六四集會與愛國主義互相捆縛,已成不可割裂的雙胞胎。今日,我們提出重鑑六四屠城的歷史意義,無非是要告訴各位,在愛國的囈語以外,更重要是肯定人民對自由、民主的美好追尋。而談論自由、民主,最後必然會踏上建立主體的道路,亦即今日年輕人高喊的自主自決。尤其當我們認清「黨即是國,國即是黨」之本質後,就會發覺愛國與民主兩者之間存在根本抵觸,是以「建設民主中國」斷無理由成為香港之政治議程。以愛國情懷為基調的悼念方式,亦應劃上句號。一如世界各地,中國的民主理應由在地人民爭取,港人無理要承受這份強加的責任,更不應廉價地遙距「建設民主中國」以期自保。否定港人「建設民主中國」之責任,絕不等同主張兩地公民社會斷絕來往。正如港台兩地之公民互動,香港大可與中國治下受壓迫的人民交換經驗,惟動機非出於一份不存在的「責任」。
六四,絕不只是每年一次點起燭光、哭喪哀嚎。某些政黨、政客口口聲聲說要結束一黨專政,平日卻受制於「愛國緊箍咒」,對中共政權誠惶誠恐,奉若神明,甚至為見京官而扭盡六壬,絲毫不敢挑戰中共之主權合法性。香港的政治問題從來只有一個,就是關於代價的承受。第一次前途問題時,大部分港人以至政客皆未有汲取六四教訓,欠缺對香港主體性及主體的想像,欠缺當家作主的勇氣加上誤信中共「港人治港,高度自治」的糖衣毒藥,香港民主進程因而一再耽誤。可惜歷史沒有如果,只有教訓。往日不可諫,來日猶可追,我們絕不能重蹈覆轍!
從今以後每年六四,我們遙祭六四死難者之際,請同時為被出賣的香港默哀,更要矢志為2047前途自決鞠躬盡瘁。有人說,中共奉行帝國主義,中國因素無遠弗屆,香港難以偏安一隅。今日新世代主張港人自決,決非要掩耳盜鈴,而是知其不可為而為之。面對中共壓境,香港自決與獨立運動應運而生,我們比任何潑冷水的人都要清楚當中現實考量與限制,但我們更清楚:民主必須站着爭取,而非跪着乞求。民主,從來都是自我充權、自我實現的過程,是故我們必須將身份認同轉化成抗爭武器,對抗強權壓迫,為自己、下一代謀取更大政治權利。
短短數年光景,在部份人眼中曾是無稽之談的本土思潮,今日已進入主流政治議程。的確,無人能夠斷言,本土思潮必然會引領港人走向救贖,但在時代的分岔口之上,一邊通往汪洋大海,另一邊卻是通往赤紅的地獄。對此,我們作出一個明確的抉擇:即使航向未知的前方,亦不與魔鬼打交道。同時,我們更要高聲告訴獨裁者,服從絕非毫無條件之事。香港,我們必定會拚死守護。
Patriotism only ends in hardship and panic,
We repent to misdeeds to cling on to our lives
Declaration of the Hong Kong University Students’ Union on the Tian’anmen Massacre
Twenty-seven years ago, China underwent a change in the midst of spring and summer, looking forward to the emergence of democracy and freedom. In contrary, the striking democratic movement ended only in suppression and bloodshed. Countless citizens and students deceased under the state apparatus. Those who were latterly reprised and put in jail or tortured were also hard to number. Starting the student movement in the name of patriotism, students would have never imagined their country to have been taken over by communist evil who harmed people for their own doing. Lies written in black and white can never disguise the bloody truth. Even though Hongkongers live in a slightly freer place, we, with conscience and justice, have never forgotten this history of 1989. Unfortunately, on the opposite shore of the river, the Chinese seem to have long been blinded by the dictators’ fine words and actions, drowning in the nouveau-riche Chinese dream. There is no one who combats the regime’s atrocity, except very few rights defence protesters. In retrospect twenty-seven years later, the Tian’anmen Massacre marked the last chance for the Chinese Communist to improve itself, which it had missed. After the Massacre, China bid her final goodbye to democracy. Human rights was ruined amid the heyday of the party authoritarian. While the authority expanded infinitely, corruption and collusion were out of limit. As the respectable culture was undermined, society reached a point of no return.
The Tian’anmen Massacre is not only a turning point for China, but also a watershed in Hongkongers building of sense of identity. On one hand, it destroys our fantasy towards China’s Reform and Opening Up, sparking the Hongkonger’s subjective consciousness; on the other, it, paradoxically, muddles up the destiny of Hongkongers and Chinese, knocking the subjective consciousness back down. Over the years, the Victoria Park vigil and patriotism have been chained up to be an inseparable pair of twins. Today, revisiting the historical meaning of the Massacre is to tell everyone that it is more important to recognise the pursuit for freedom and democracy, than the absurdity in patriotism. As we debate over freedom and democracy, they must lead us to a new subjectivity, which is exactly the self-determination that youngsters are now chanting for. As we have realised the truth of China being nothing but a party state, ‘patriotism’ and pursuit of democracy and freedom actually contradict one another fundamentally. ‘Building a democratic China’ shall thus not be included in Hong Kong political agenda. Commemoration based on patriotism shall also be put to an end. Similar to anywhere in the world, Chinese democracy should be fought for by no other but their own people. Hongkongers have no reason to take up such forced duty, let alone ‘building a democratic China’ from afar at such a cost in order to protect ourselves. Denial of the responsibility of ‘Hongkongers building a democratic China’ never means an end to interaction between civil societies of the two nations. Just like the interaction between citizens of Hong Kong and Taiwan, of course Hong Kong can share our experience with Chinese suppressed by the Communist. But the aim of such action must not be based on a non-existent ‘duty’.
The fourth of June should never be only about wailing and whining amid candlelight once every year. While some political parties and politicians keep on proclaiming their ideal to end the one-party dictatorship, they are yet bounded by the ‘Patriotic incantation of Golden Hoop’ day in, day out. They fear and worship the Communist regime. They do whatever it takes to meet officials from Peking, never even challenging a bit of the Communist legitimacy on our sovereignty. Hong Kong is always bothered by only one political problem. It is the cost that we can take. In face of the first Future of Hong Kong discussion, most Hongkongers and even politicians had failed to learn the lesson from the Massacre, lacking the imagination towards Hong Kong subjectivity, let alone the courage to take charge of our homeland. Together with the sugar-coated poison of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong, High degree of autonomy’, Hong Kong democratisation was only delayed. Unfortunately, there is never ‘what if’ in history, but only lessons. We may not be able to alter our past, but we still have a say in our future. We shall never make the same mistake twice.
On every 4th June since today, while mourning the deceased in the Massacre from afar, we pay our silent tribute to Hong Kong, a place which has long been betrayed, pledging our strong will for self-determination towards the future after 2047. Some may argue that the Chinese Imperialism shall only make Chinese factors ubiquitous and Hong Kong can never remain uninfluenced at this small piece of land. The new generation upholding Hongkongers’ self-determination is never an attempt to deceive, but to do something that is known to be unlikely to succeed. As a result of the Communist encroachment, revolt in self-determination and independence movement in Hong Kong begin. We are more than well-informed of the realistic considerations and limitation than anyone who only douses us with cold water. Yet, it is more than clear that: for democracy, we must stand and fight, but never kneel and beg. Democracy is always a process of self-empowerment and self-realisation. We therefore must turn our sense of identity into our weapon in protests. We must struggle against the regime and seek for the most political rights for ourselves, and our next generation.
Only a few years may have gone by, but the localist ideology which was once a farce in most people’s mind has already entered the major political agenda. Indeed no one can be sure that such localist ideology can usher Hongkongers into salvation. But at this fork of our age, one way is towards the deep blue sea, and the other is towards the bloody red hell. For this we make a clear decision: we may navigate to the uncharted, but we never mix with the evils. In the meantime, we must shout at the dictators that they must pay the cost if they wish for our compliance. Hong Kong, we must protect it with our lives.
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