Barak Obama's statement on killing of George Floyd.
As millions of people across the country take to the streets and raise their voices in response to the killing of George Floyd and the ongoing problem of unequal justice, many people have reached out asking how we can sustain momentum to bring about real change.
Ultimately, it’s going to be up to a new generation of activists to shape strategies that best fit the times. But I believe there are some basic lessons to draw from past efforts that are worth remembering.
First, the waves of protests across the country represent a genuine and legitimate frustration over a decades-long failure to reform police practices and the broader criminal justice system in the United States. The overwhelming majority of participants have been peaceful, courageous, responsible, and inspiring. They deserve our respect and support, not condemnation — something that police in cities like Camden and Flint have commendably understood.
On the other hand, the small minority of folks who’ve resorted to violence in various forms, whether out of genuine anger or mere opportunism, are putting innocent people at risk, compounding the destruction of neighborhoods that are often already short on services and investment and detracting from the larger cause. I saw an elderly black woman being interviewed today in tears because the only grocery store in her neighborhood had been trashed. If history is any guide, that store may take years to come back. So let’s not excuse violence, or rationalize it, or participate in it. If we want our criminal justice system, and American society at large, to operate on a higher ethical code, then we have to model that code ourselves.
Second, I’ve heard some suggest that the recurrent problem of racial bias in our criminal justice system proves that only protests and direct action can bring about change, and that voting and participation in electoral politics is a waste of time. I couldn’t disagree more. The point of protest is to raise public awareness, to put a spotlight on injustice, and to make the powers that be uncomfortable; in fact, throughout American history, it’s often only been in response to protests and civil disobedience that the political system has even paid attention to marginalized communities. But eventually, aspirations have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices — and in a democracy, that only happens when we elect government officials who are responsive to our demands.
Moreover, it’s important for us to understand which levels of government have the biggest impact on our criminal justice system and police practices. When we think about politics, a lot of us focus only on the presidency and the federal government. And yes, we should be fighting to make sure that we have a president, a Congress, a U.S. Justice Department, and a federal judiciary that actually recognize the ongoing, corrosive role that racism plays in our society and want to do something about it. But the elected officials who matter most in reforming police departments and the criminal justice system work at the state and local levels.
It’s mayors and county executives that appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions. It’s district attorneys and state’s attorneys that decide whether or not to investigate and ultimately charge those involved in police misconduct. Those are all elected positions. In some places, police review boards with the power to monitor police conduct are elected as well. Unfortunately, voter turnout in these local races is usually pitifully low, especially among young people — which makes no sense given the direct impact these offices have on social justice issues, not to mention the fact that who wins and who loses those seats is often determined by just a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes.
So the bottom line is this: if we want to bring about real change, then the choice isn’t between protest and politics. We have to do both. We have to mobilize to raise awareness, and we have to organize and cast our ballots to make sure that we elect candidates who will act on reform.
Finally, the more specific we can make demands for criminal justice and police reform, the harder it will be for elected officials to just offer lip service to the cause and then fall back into business as usual once protests have gone away. The content of that reform agenda will be different for various communities. A big city may need one set of reforms; a rural community may need another. Some agencies will require wholesale rehabilitation; others should make minor improvements. Every law enforcement agency should have clear policies, including an independent body that conducts investigations of alleged misconduct. Tailoring reforms for each community will require local activists and organizations to do their research and educate fellow citizens in their community on what strategies work best.
But as a starting point, here’s a report and toolkit developed by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights and based on the work of the Task Force on 21st Century Policing that I formed when I was in the White House. And if you’re interested in taking concrete action, we’ve also created a dedicated site at the Obama Foundation to aggregate and direct you to useful resources and organizations who’ve been fighting the good fight at the local and national levels for years.
I recognize that these past few months have been hard and dispiriting — that the fear, sorrow, uncertainty, and hardship of a pandemic have been compounded by tragic reminders that prejudice and inequality still shape so much of American life. But watching the heightened activism of young people in recent weeks, of every race and every station, makes me hopeful. If, going forward, we can channel our justifiable anger into peaceful, sustained, and effective action, then this moment can be a real turning point in our nation’s long journey to live up to our highest ideals.
Let’s get to work.
https://medium.com/@BarackObama/how-to-make-this-moment-the-turning-point-for-real-change-9fa209806067
the forms of responsible investment 在 TMBA Facebook 的精選貼文
【友社活動分享】
台大證研這次邀請到CFA亞太區總裁來台大交流分享,歡迎大家有空報名參加~
[CFA協會 x 臺大證研-亞太區總裁Nick Pollard台大交流會]
這次很榮幸邀請到投資界知名協會CFA的亞太區總裁Nick Pollard先生來台大進行交流,免費報名,機會難得!!!這次總裁將會分享投資界未來的就業趨勢,對於講師或者CFA協會或是課程主題有興趣的各位千萬別錯過!!
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報名連結:https://goo.gl/forms/6RRugQ0OSVImLxV93
時間:12/7(五) 中午12:20-13:20
地點:臺大新生大樓103教室
演講主題:FUTURE STATE OF THE INVESTMENT PROFESSION
名額:100位(採報名制,現場提供免費便當)
講師介紹:
Nick Pollard joined CFA Institute in 2016 as managing director for Asia Pacific. Based in the Hong Kong office, he also oversees operations in Beijing, China and Mumbai, India. Nick is responsible for working with all CFA Institute stakeholders, increasing the number of candidates entering and moving through the organization’s credentialing programs, and working with institutional partners (employers, universities and regulators) throughout the region. He is actively engaged with 21 CFA Institute societies that represent 28,000 members in the region.
Nick is a seasoned wealth management and banking executive and skilled at growing businesses in Europe and Asia. He brings a unique combination of strategic leadership skills as well as learning and professional development expertise. Prior to joining CFA Institute, Nick was CEO of The Royal Bank of Scotland’s Coutts Asia division and, most recently, he was the Head of International Learning and Professional Development for Coutts International. Nick began his career with NatWest Group, subsequently part of the RBS Group, where he gained experience in marketing and talent development.
Nick earned his B.A. from University College, London and is a Member of the Private Wealth Management Association. He has lived and worked in the APAC region since 2009 and resides in Hong Kong.
*講者主要以英文進行,他也表達希望是以"互相交流"的形式來進行活動,所以希望大家不要只是來領免費便當的喔~
the forms of responsible investment 在 林建甫 Facebook 的最佳解答
20161006 早上參加台經院國際處舉辦的The 31st Pacific Economic Community Seminar “Quest for Economic Growth Engines”研討會。我被安排開幕做一個致詞,及第一場的主持。結束就已經近12點。致詞稿如下,請批評指教。(說實在有點太長,會不會?)
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,
Welcome to the 31st Pacific Economic Community Seminar. The theme of this year’s seminar is “Quest for Economic Growth Engines”, which is also an international project of PECC. We initiated this project to the PECC Standing Committee in Yangzhou, China last week.
The reason for proposing such a project is because we have noticed that the IMF has constantly revised downward its outlook for global economic growth since the fourth quarter of 2014. In addition, economists have been stressing a “new normal” or a “new mediocre.” Strong growth or solid recovery seems very unlikely for the time being.
In addition, geopolitical factors are furthering uncertainties amid deteriorating economic conditions; large economies are not showing leadership to pull the world economy along, rather they are desperately trying to cope with their own difficulties. In the face of heavy fiscal constraints and debt pressure, extreme monetary operations, through quantitative easing, have become one of the few workable options. Overcapacity due to overinvestment at bad times has been an issue causing inexhaustible structure reforms, whereas continuous reforms have also slowed growth momentum and limited growth potential. When big players are dealing with either tepid growth or periodical headwinds, soggy demand holds back others that are closely associated with global or regional supply chains.
As every economy is specialized in specific ways, almost none are immune to shrinking world demand. Therefore, to pick one’s growth potential is no longer simply to seek the betterment of oneself, but the well-being of all. Consumption, investment and trade are main engines that used to drive economic growth yet have seemingly lost steam in recent times. Decision makers are responsible for building healthy environments that are able to encourage consumption, investment and trade.
Private or household consumption is the most important component of GDP. Despite consumption preferences and decisions being dissimilar among the economies, it is a rule of thumb that demand for consumption goods is strong in good times, whereas consumers tend to retreat in bad times. Since the marginal propensity to consume theory indicates that an increase in consumer spending occurs with an increase in disposable income, avoiding income traps is essential to support consumption. Income traps have been present in different forms: emerging economies are suffering from middle-income traps, while advanced economies are stressing high-income traps.
In addition, to escape from income traps, building sound social safety nets is also a necessary task to promote private consumption. Saving is critical, especially for developing economies when lacking sufficient social safety nets. However, high saving rates restricts other economic activities, such as consumption. With well functioning safety nets, people will be more willing to spend.
As for investment, it is the key for growth. Besides the fact that investment is a crucial component of domestic demand, it also paves the way for supplying external demand. Not only emerging, but also advanced economies have strived to attract foreign investments. For emerging economies, foreign investment comes with technology and the chance to upgrade economic capacity. For advanced economies, foreign investments bring in capital and job opportunities. Complicated and excessive regulations, poor infrastructure and unstable political systems are some of many reasons that could impede potential foreign investments. Hence, capacity building to create healthy environments through information and knowledge sharing among economic partners to eliminate or mitigate those unattractive factors is much needed.
Last but not least, trade is an engine for GDP growth; otherwise negotiations for most free-trade agreements would not be so difficult to conclude. The conclusion of the TPP has been in the spotlight, as regional supply chains will be reshuffled when the treaty comes about. The TPP also sets a high quality benchmark for others, including the RCEP and the TTIP. However, we are certainly not sure if TPP can be ratified at this moment with respect to so many uncertainties.
Even so, free trade is in theory good for all participants. If an agreement covers the region, then it would be beneficial for the entire region. When a free-trade deal is implemented, tariff and non-tariff barriers are eliminated. As a result, suppliers’ and consumers’ surpluses are maximized; overall welfare increases and resources are optimally allocated. However, free trade poses serious threats for outsiders. For example: rules of origin require a high percentage of intermediate components of a final product to enjoy duty-free treatment. Those requirements reduce outsiders’ chances to compete with members in that trading bloc. As more members will certainly create more benefits, making sure every economy is included would be to seek the well-being of all.
To address the “new mediocre” and revive or explore growth engines, CTPECC is undertaking an international project in line with this seminar. We are honored to have many opinion leaders here to share their views with us today.
Ladies and gentlemen,
With these words, I wish our seminar all success and I wish you all an enjoyable day in Taipei. Thank you.
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