[翻轉視界] 台灣國際勞工協會成員陳秀蓮
All persons, regardless of their nationality, race, legal or other status, are entitled to fundamental human rights and basic labor protections, including migrant workers and their families.
所有人,不論其國籍,種族,法律或其他地位,均享有基本人權和基本的勞動保障,包括移工與其家庭。
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原文及圖片授權來自於Humans of Taipei和TIWA台灣國際勞工協會
我家是做香燭批發的,從小我就穿著四個口袋的圍裙幫忙賣金紙。以前生意很好,每逢過年都有百萬進帳,爸爸常帶我們去各國旅行,日本、韓國、東南亞。中國剛開放觀光,我家也是第一批去玩的。爸媽不太管我們念書,媽媽覺得女生就去學個美容美髮好了。我出社會第一份工作,就是當化妝品牌的櫃姐。後來離職,當了一陣子書店員,因為對台灣有使命感,想為社會做點事,立志成為記者,所以插班考上文化新聞系。
My family was in the candle wholesale business, and since I was little, I would wear an apron with four pockets to sell joss paper with my family. Business was good back then, and we would make millions of NT$ each Lunar New Year. My father would take us everywhere—Japan, South Korea, Southeast Asia. When China lifted its travel ban on Taiwan, my family was one of the first groups to go. My parents never cared much about our education, and my mother thought girls ought to work in beauty salons. My first job was a sales clerk at a cosmetics and beauty shop. I left my job later and became a bookstore clerk. Because I felt a calling and wanted to contribute to Taiwanese society, I set my sights on becoming a reporter. I switched majors and was accepted into Chinese Culture University’s Journalism and Communications College.
1. joss paper 金紙
2. lift the ban on travel 解除觀光禁令
3. never care much about 從不太在意
4. beauty salon 美容院
5. sales clerk 櫃姐、售貨員
6. cosmetics shop 美妝店
7. a calling 使命感、強烈願望
8. set your sights on sth 決心;立志*
*https://bit.ly/2zBVu6m
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念到社會學和馬克思,學到階級、勞動這些概念,開始對世界產生疑問;上楊祖珺的文化研究課,她帶我們去關心白米炸彈客楊儒門。以前覺得好人壞人的界線很清楚,會被警察抓的就是壞人,但旁聽開庭發現,楊儒門不像壞人,而且他的很多說詞都沒有被採納,例如他的炸彈即使「引爆」,也只會發熱冒煙;他說和警察約在警局外自首,但檢方認為他沒進派出所、是警方抓到他。社會上對於WTO架構下的農民處境,更是幾乎漠不關心。
When I started studying sociology and Marxism, I learned about concepts such as class struggle and the proletariat, and I began to have doubts about the world. When I took Professor Zujun Yang’s Cultural Studies course, she taught us about the Rice Bomber, Ru-Men Yang. Before, I felt that the line between good and evil was clear. Those captured by the police were all ”bad.” However, when I attended Ru-Men Yang ’s trial, he did not seem like a bad person. Parts of his testimony were inadmissible and ignored. For example, even though his bomb “exploded,” it only emitted smoke. Also, he said that he turned himself in outside the police station. However, the prosecution felt that since he did not enter the station, the police were the ones who caught him. Moreover, at the time, most people were apathetic to the plight of farmers under the WTO framework.
9. sociology 社會學
10. Marxism 馬克思主義
11. class struggle/class warfare 階級鬥爭
12. the bourgeoisie (馬克思主義理論中的)資産階級,資本家階級
13. the proletariat 工人階級;無產階級
14. the distinction between good and evil 善與惡之間的區別
15. testimony(尤指法庭上的)證詞,證言
16. inadmissible (在法庭上)不可接受的,不能採信的
17. emit smoke 散發煙霧
18. prosecution (被)起訴;(被)檢舉;訴訟
19. turn sb in 將(某人)送交警方
20. apathetic(尤指對重要事情)不關心的,無動於衷的
21. the plight of... ...的困境,窘境
22. framework(建築物等的)架構,框架
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後來就到處抗爭。楊儒門的事告一段落,我又回去念書,因為對新聞產業有一定認識,覺得當記者也就那樣,所以跑去念世新社發所。黃德北老師鼓勵我們去社運團體看看,我選擇來台灣國際勞工協會(TIWA)當志工,就從2007年待到現在。
I later protested (Ru-Men Yang’s treatment) everywhere. Ru-Men Yang’s case eventually came to an end, so I returned to my studies. After I got to know the news industry a little better, I felt that I had pretty much learned what being a news reporter was like. So, I wanted to learn something new and began studying at the Graduate Institute for Social Transformation Studies at Shih Hsin University. There, Professor Te-Pei Huang encouraged us to experience social organizations, so I became a volunteer at the Taiwan International Workers' Association. I've been here since 2007.
23. protest (v.) 抗議
24. come to an end 完結,結束
25. return to 回到
26. encourage us to... 鼓勵我們去作某事
27. social organization 社會組織
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從事移工相關工作,才讓我真正看到人的樣貌。剛到TIWA時,我協助一位看護工轉換雇主,她照顧的阿嬤覺得子女不要她了才找外勞照顧,又覺得自己生病,老公一定跟年輕看護工有染,所以阿嬤對她很壞,一直罵她、還把吃剩的骨頭丟進她的碗裡。
Being in this line of work has really opened my eyes to what people are truly like. When I began work at TIWA, I assisted a foreign care worker in transferring to another employer. The grandmother she took care of felt that she was abandoned by her children, so she contracted the worker to care for her. She then thought that her husband cheated on her with the worker, and became quite nasty. She would yell at the worker and once threw leftover bones in her bowl.
28. line of work 行業*
29. open sb’s eyes 使(某人)認清,使(某人)了解
30. foreign care worker 外籍看護
31. transfer to(使)調動;(使)跳槽
32. be abandoned by 被…遺棄
*https://bit.ly/2X0TUmu
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我記得有次在新北市政府開完協調會出來,剛好是耶誕節,耶誕城有尖尖的、像竹筍一樣的耶誕樹,她跟我說「姊姊,可以在這裡跟妳合照嗎?」然後眼淚擦一擦,拍照時又露出開心的笑容。原來,她是要拍給越南的家人看看,她在台灣有台灣人朋友。他們無論在台灣被怎麼糟蹋,在家人面前總會設法表現出混得很好的樣子,逢年過節就寄一箱禮物回家、買玩具給小孩。
I still remember this mediation session in New Taipei City. It was Christmas at the time, and the “Christmasland” in New Taipei City had these Christmas trees shaped like bamboo shoots. The foreign care worker said to me, “Sister, could I take a photo with you here?” She wiped away her tears and did her best to put on a smile for the photo. She wanted to show her family in Vietnam that she was doing well in Taiwan, even though she was mistreated. Every New Year, she would do her best to send back a box of gifts with toys for the children.
33. a mediation (session) 協調會,調解會
34. bamboo shoots 竹筍
35. put on a smile 露出笑容
36. do well 過得好 ; 做得好
37. be mistreated 虐待
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另一個我不太能接受的事情是,好像移工沒有被虐待,就不值得被關心。台灣人傾向從溫情或人權的角度,而不是從勞動者的角度去看移工。
Another thing I cannot accept is that no one cares about foreign workers unless there is news of their maltreatment. The Taiwanese people need to consider them as legitimate workers and not only care about them when there is a human rights violation.
38. cannot accept 無法接受
39. maltreatment 被虐待
40. legitimate 合法的,正當的,法律允許的
41. human rights violation 人權侵害
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六年多前我爸過世,我哥接手後力求創新轉型,改走精緻路線,例如設計防小人金、寵物金紙,算是重新撐起家裡的事業。最近七月半是旺季,我還是得回家幫忙手工包裝還有折蓮花。人跟好兄弟都能共存了,活人的世界有些標籤和界線,想想實在滿荒謬就是了。
Six years ago, my father passed away. My brother took over and tried to reinvigorate and transform the family business. He designed specialized joss paper to ward off backstabbers and even joss paper for dead pets. July is the peak season for the business, so I went back home to help out. I hand packed the products and folded paper lotus flowers for the dead. It's funny that we can get along with the dead, but we still attach labels to the living and draw lines between us. It’s quite ridiculous when you think about it.
42. pass away 過世
43. ward sb/sth off 避開;阻止;擋住
44. a backstabber 背後插刀者;背後講壞話的人
45. peak season 旺季
46. fold paper lotus flower 折紙蓮花
47. attach a label to someone 對(人)貼標籤
48. draw a line (between something) 畫界線*
*https://bit.ly/2Z8f5G6
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故事網站連結:
https://storystudio.tw/gushi/chen-siou-lian-interview/
資訊與照片出處:
http://bitly.ws/8qVR
Visit Humans of Taipei for more stories!
★★★★★★★★★★★★
如何增進同理心: https://bit.ly/34qSKnC
#ChangingPerspectives
#翻轉視界
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- 關於what is society in sociology 在 5.1 Social Structure: The Building Blocks of Social Life 的評價
what is society in sociology 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導,來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙:丹麥Weekendavisen,題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會,前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者,我也在其中,雖然只是每人一句,加在一起,卻有了很完整的圖像。
以下為英譯:
Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.
A world on the barricades
At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.
At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."
For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?
Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.
With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.
Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.
"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.
Economic powerlessness
Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.
According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.
'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.
The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.
Triggered by trifles
In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.
In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.
“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.
Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.
“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.
The authoritarian wave
Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.
Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.
“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.
"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.
"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.
Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.
“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.
"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.
Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.
The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.
"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."
what is society in sociology 在 Vocabno Facebook 的精選貼文
When you fill in an application form, you may sometimes see "Gender" but may also encounter the word "Sex". Nowadays, it is commonplace to use them interchangeably (交替地), however, they actually have different meanings and using them wrongly can be offensive (冒犯的) to sexual minorities (小眾).
"Sex" is the biological traits (特徵) that society associates with being male or female. In most cases, your biological sex was identified by the doctor at the time you were born. Yet, the definition of "sex" is no longer binary (雙的) as there are intersex people who are born with sexual characteristics that cannot fit the traditional definitions of either male or female bodies. For "gender", it is the cultural meanings attached to being masculine (男性的) and feminine (女性的). It seems to be abstract but in fact, every one of you DOES gender every day. Girls may wear dresses when boys usually don't. A lot of girls has long hair when boys are expected to have short hair. And how did your parents put clothes on you when you were new born? Probably in pink or blue (given that colours originally carry no meanings but their artificial (人造的) meanings are now socially accepted). There are a lot of phenomenons you believe they're natural but you gradually (逐步地) find that they are all shaped by society when studying sociology.
Can gender and sex be distinct? Yes! If you have a female friend who dresses like a boy and thus, is categorized (歸類) as a tomboy, there may then be a mismatch (錯配) between her gender and sex.
So, What are the differences between transGENDER and transSEXUAL? Have a guess and comment below!
-🖋Sociology minor, the University of Hong Kong
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大大:嚟緊我哋有唔同uni、唔同學科嘅人share佢地嘅知識,聽日就有Maths同英文嘅關係。🙈鍾意我哋呢個新系列就俾個like同comment, 下一個介紹可能就係你有興趣嘅學科啦!❤️
#Vocabno #English #19DSE #2019DSE #DSE #17DSE #2017DSE #18DSE #2018DSE #Reading #Writing #Speaking #Wordoftheday #Vocabulary #Expression #Phrase #HKDSE #LiberalStudies #通識 #LS #Dsetips #Linguistics #語言學 #Morphology #Sociology #Sexuality #社會學 #性別學
what is society in sociology 在 5.1 Social Structure: The Building Blocks of Social Life 的推薦與評價
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