關於 why am i aggressive ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

這是阿培曾經在我巴褲的書裡面寫的，這文章是阿培本身養狗的經驗，對每個養狗的人都有很大的幫助，希望大家有時間可以把它看完，我翻譯成英文讓大家看：
Apei wrote many things into my Baku book. Mainly how to raise dogs, his life experience with dogs and about dog breeds. Its very useful information so please take a look. I translated it into English for everyone to read.

想要養全世界最大的狗，所有的大狗養過一輪，最後情定獒犬。
I wanted to raise all the big dogs available around the world. I wanted to takes turns raising all the big dogs, but I fell for Mastiff.

我從小就有個心願，要養全世界最大的狗。十幾歲開始工作，慢慢把大狗養了一輪：紐波利頓獒犬、大丹、高加索——最後才把重心放在西藏獒犬上。
Ever since when I was very young, I had a dream to raise all the big dogs available throughout the world. I started working at a very young age. Over the years, I had owned a Neapolitan Mastiff, Great Dane, Caucasian Shepherd, and finally now I am totally focused on taking care of my Tibetan Mastiff.

其實每種狗都可愛，只是養著養著，慢慢摸索出自己最喜歡的樣子——
To be honest, no matter what the breed, each dog is cute & lovable in its own way. Having own so many dogs, I slowly figured out what I like the most.

比方紐波利頓，嘴巴皮垂皺加上毛短，吃完東西不馬上擦乾淨，很容易過敏有皮膚病，照養上很費功夫。
Neapolitan Mastiff, for example, has saggy faces and very short hair. If you don’t clean him up after a meal, the dog can very easily have allergic reactions or skin diseases. It’s quite a chore taking care of this breed of dogs.

大丹漂亮修長，但我更喜歡粗勇的體型。
Great Danes are beautiful and usually possesses a lengthy body, but I like ones with a thicker and wider body.

高加索犬算是最貼近我期待的，但是，高加索犬野性比較強，對其他小狗比較不友善。
Caucasian Shepherd is perhaps a breed that is closest to my ideal type. However, shepherds are more primitive, they are not that friendly to small dogs.

至於西藏獒犬，牠忠實、對小孩、女人和小型動物又溫和——尤其是冬天，西藏獒犬換上一身長披毛，站出來威風凜凜、霸氣十足。
As far as Tibetan Mastiff goes, they are loyal, and gentle around kids, women, and other small animals. Especially during winter, a Tibetan Mastiff would change into a long fur coat, appearing so confident and proud, as if everything else is beneath them.
養到西藏獒犬，我心中就有「中」的感覺——所以一路養到現在。
When I got to owning a Tibetan Mastiff, that’s when my heart and mind went: “This is the one!” And so… I have been raising one ever since.

之前養的每隻狗，我都是養到牠們老死——大型狗的平均壽命比中小型犬還要短的許多，大概10年到15年。
All the dogs I had previously, I have always had them until they passed away peacefully in my arms due to old age. The average lifespan of large-sized dogs are usually a lot shorter than small-sized dogs. 10 -15 years, I would say, is probably the max.

要駕馭大型狗，教法是重點。我常跟人說，「狗的主人要有霸氣，要比狗兇」。從小規矩就要訂下——如果主人希望能帶大狗去散步，一定要從小帶牠出門，讓牠習慣走在你腿旁邊，讓牠早早社會化。
To manage a large-sized dog, the key is on teaching. I often tell my friends: “As a dog owner you have to be dominant, you have to be more dominant than your dog.” Show ‘em who’s the boss in the house, so to speak lol. As a dog owner if you wish to take your large dog out for a walk, you have to start taking them for a walk when they are still very small, let them get used to walking alongside you, this is basically to socialize them.

你帶領狗去散步，不是牠帶你去散步——讓牠們見多視廣，狗就不會有初見陌生事物激動暴衝的時候。
Remember tho, you are taking them for a walk, not the other way around. You have to let them see more, let them become familiarize with what’s happening on the outside. This way, it will lessen the occurrence of your dog having violent reactions to unfamiliar or unknown objects.

基本上，除非是生病，要不然狗咬人，都是基於「恐懼」。牠怕主人被攻擊，所以擺出戰鬥姿態——當然，社會化不足或主人威嚴感比較差的狗，就比較容易出在驚慌狀態下而暴衝咬人。
Basically, unless your dog is sick, a dog only starts biting people out of “fear.” They fear that his owner will be attacked, that’s why he goes into “combat mode.” Of course, a dog that is less socialized or a dog with a less dominant owner will more likely become violent (including biting) when they feel threatened or panicking.

這部分是主人的問題，比較不是狗狗本身的問題。改善了狗主人的牽法與教育狗的方式，狗的暴衝、易怒問題就可以得到改善。
This is the owner’s fault, and not on the dog. Once you improve upon the way you walk the dog and educate the dog the right away, the dog’s violent behavior and violent tendencies will show an improvement.

獒犬還有一個別稱，「栓犬」。讓獒犬待在同個地方大概30分鐘，牠就會覺得那是牠地盤，開始會對經過的路人兇，這點要特別注意。
Mastiff also goes by another name, “guardian dogs.” If you let a Mastiff stay in one place for over 30 minutes, he’ll think that this place is his place, his territory, and will starting defending it by being aggressive to passerby, this is something to be aware of.

我最常被問到的，獒犬吃很多三餐費用很高吧？
The question that I was asked the most is… “Mastiffs eat a lot, don’t they? So you must’ve spend a lot of dog food, right?”

我自己對狗比較捨得，讓牠吃好——牛肉全雞羊肉，但是也不一定要跟我一樣餵法。讓牠們吃飽，有時間去跑跑步，偶爾洗一下澡，牠們就很開心了。
I am more catering to my dog, that’s for sure. I’ll let him eat the good stuff --- beef, full chicken, lamb… But you don’t have to do it like me, tho, just feed him regularly so your dog is not hungry. If you have the time, take him for a walk or a jog, or bathe him, he is going to be really really happy if you do so.

最後要提醒的是，大型犬因為身體重腳的負擔大，狗主人最好是把牠們養在不滑的地板上，跟，6個月以前的小狗，髖關節還沒發育完全，不要讓牠們大量跑跳。這兩點注意一下，加上每天帶花時間帶牠們去散步運動，這樣就能保持牠們四隻腳的健康，減少很多腿部問題。
Lastly, I want remind everyone, as far as large dogs go, because of their huge physique they have tons of pressure on their feet, so it’s best for a dog owner to raise a large-sized dog on a non-slippery floor. Also, for a dog that is not yet 6 months old, don’t let the dog do too much jumping and running because his hip joint isn’t fully developed yet. That’s two things you should keep in mind. So as long as you take the time to walk your dog and do a bit of exercise, you’ll be able to keep their legs healthy, which will reduce a lot of the dog’s leg problems.

不管大狗小狗，牠們都是我們的家人，養了，就好好照顧牠一輩子。最後還是那句話.如何對待如何回報.
No matter big or small, a dog is family. If you got one, please take care of him/her for the rest of its life. Lastly, just want to say, You reap what you sow.

【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.
#成萬字 #萬言書 #頹譯都譯死人

----小弟頹譯------
蓬佩奧：謝謝。謝謝你們。州長，您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣：當您在那個體育館裡散步時，說出“蓬佩奧”的名字，人們就會耳語。因為，我有一個兄弟，Mark，他是一個非常好，一位非常出色的籃球運動員。

請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊（Blue Eagles Honor Guard）及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何？ （掌聲）

也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱，我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱，由海軍陸戰隊介紹，讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 （笑聲）（按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 ）一切都很好。

很榮幸來到Yorba Linda，尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。

在這困難時刻，使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員，感謝，感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。

我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓，包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫，Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower　（尼克遜兩位女兒）對這次訪問的支持。

我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者，他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-（掌聲）-尊貴的客人，謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人，您們必須支付額外的費用（笑）。

以及那些正在觀看直播的人，感謝您的收看。

最後，正如州長所說，我在Santa Ana出生，離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭，您從沒想過我會站在這裡。

我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話，我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien，聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。

我們有一個非常明確的目標，一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面，數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。

我們的目標是明確指出，特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的，並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在，我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民，並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟，我們的自由，乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。

自基辛格（Kissinger）博士秘密訪問中國以來，到明年已經過去了半個世紀，而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。

那時世界大不一樣了。

我們以為與中國交往（engagement）將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。

但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩，看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加，因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。

我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作，並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊，包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大，甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。

從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區，我都有著與美國人心中的疑問：從與中國交往至今，美國人民這50年見到了什麼？

領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確？

這是中國對 "雙贏" 局面的定義嗎？

實際上，從國務卿的角度來看，美國更安全嗎？我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平，並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平？

看，我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理，它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展，如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀，那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續，也絕不能重返。

正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣，我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

現在，在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我想明確地說，他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情，而且他很可能是對的。

他是中國的傑出學生，冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者，正如我們一樣。

他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視，即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。

1967年，尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。

他的話是這樣的：他說：“從長遠來看，我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前，世界不會安全。因此，我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內，我們必須作出影響，而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”

我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞：“促使改變”。

因此，在歷史性的北京之行中，尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由，更安全的世界，並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。

隨著時間的流逝，美國決策者越來越多地認為，隨著中國變得更加繁榮，它將會對外開放，它會在國內變得更加自由，而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小，它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。

但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是，我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復，但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。

我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂，只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會，研究中心，高中，大學，甚至參加了家長教師會議。

我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化，後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。

我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇，只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。

前一天，Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子：萬豪，美國航空，達美航空，聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及，以免激怒北京。在荷里活，這裏的不遠處，距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者，他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。

公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。

這種企業忠誠度如何運作？奉承會得到獎勵嗎？讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說：“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”

中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密，損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。

它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。

尼克遜總統曾經說過，他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”，這正是如此。

現在，有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來，這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚，或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大，或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。

無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因，今天的中國在國內都越來越專制，並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。

特朗普總統說：夠了。

我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在，也有人堅持認為，為了對話而對話。

現在，要明確地說，我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前，我去了檀香山，與楊潔篪見面。

這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話，但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。

楊的承諾，就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣，都是空洞的。我想，他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有，特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。

正是這種意識形態，正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異，就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。

以我在眾議院情報委員會，然後擔任中央情報局局長，以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗，使我對這種中央理解成為可能：

唯一的方式　—　真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法，不是對中國領導人聽其言，而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說，他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共，我說我們必須＂不信任和核查＂。 （掌聲）

我們，世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣，促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革，因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。

我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣，把這個假象視為正常國家。

我們知道，與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的，遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議，以作為主導全球的渠道。

但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。

我們也知道，與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題，而且其中許多是由國家贊助的，因此無需追求利潤。

華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司，它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅，並為採取了相應的行動。

我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中國投資，他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。

因此，我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作，以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。

我們也知道，我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。

我們知道，解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治，擴大中國帝國，而不是保護中國人民。

因此，美國國防部加大了工作力度，擴大了在東，南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊，以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。

同樣，坦率地說，我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策，推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標，以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。

就在本週，我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館，因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 （掌聲）

兩週前，我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。

我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。

國務院- 在世界各地，各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流，只是要求公平和互惠。

但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力，他們是一個充滿活力，熱愛自由的人民，他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 （掌聲）

無論我走到哪裡，我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談，有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。

上個月在我的辦公室裡，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生，他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生，請您站起來，以便我們見到您嗎？ （掌聲）

今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生，你能站起來嗎？ （掌聲）

我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事，共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是，他們認為自己能代表14億被監視，壓迫和害怕說出來的人。

恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點，失去對權力的控制。

試想一下，如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信，並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報，那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。

幾十年來，我們的領袖一直無視，淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話，他們警告過我們所面對之政權。

我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。

但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。

但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心，因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友，破壞國內外的信任，拒絕財產權和法治。

我有信心。我之所以有信心，是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒，他們知道我們無法回到過去，美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾，悉尼到河內都聽說過。

最重要的是，我相信我們可以捍衛自由，因為自由本身是漂亮的。

看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制，要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。

是的，確實有差異。與蘇聯不同，中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是，北京對我們依賴，甚於我們依賴他們。 （掌聲）

瞧，我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代，某些陷阱（按：修昔底德陷阱）是預設的，中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的，因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣，自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它，就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習，來到這里工作，來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。

是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國，也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權，如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。

但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠，堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。

這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了，我們讓中共制定交往條款，但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。

我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線，而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實，這就是美國最近所做的事情，因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張，因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家，以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。

現在，這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此，其中一些人根本沒有能力，沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確，我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來，因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗，我們無法重複。

我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力，民主國家包括歐洲，非洲，南美，尤其是印度太平洋地區。

而且，如果我們現在不採取行動，那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由，並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈，中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。

習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴，除非我們允許

現在，這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。

因此，我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國，北約，七國集團國家，二十國集團，我們的經濟，外交和軍事力量合力，如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前，無疑足以應付這一挑戰。

也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體，一個新的民主國家聯盟了。

我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文，我問“要警醒禱告，免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意，肉體卻是軟弱的。”

如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變，共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。

確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國完全有能力領導它，

因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣，注視著獨立廳，我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。

確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔，包括中國境內的人。

確實，尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變，否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。

今天的危機已經明確了。

今天，覺醒正在發生。

今天，自由世界必須作出回應。

我們永遠無法回到過去。

願上帝保佑你們每個人。

願上帝保佑中國人民。＇

願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。

謝謝你們。（掌聲）

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)

由於我自己一直大聲疾呼，台灣需要英文媒體，自己一直用中文在舒適圈發文好像也說不過去，於是用英文錄了一段，為什麼台灣人要募資在紐約時報登廣告的影片。

很多人對於募資案，最大的疑慮就是「現在根本沒人看報紙，為什麼不花錢在社群網站投放廣告就好？」之前我說過了，這是行銷思維跟品牌打造思維的不同，而且現在，我也來盡自己的社群力量，希望用英文，在社群媒體上，讓更多不懂中文的人，聽到台灣的聲音。

撇開幕資案不說，當我提起想用英文拍片的時候，我們團隊的夥伴都大表支持，並且在最快時間幫我生出了影片，是我覺得真的很感動的地方。另外，由於我NG了80000萬次，NG到即使瀏海從頭分岔到尾，也不想重新錄，所以我衷心佩服，雅琴姊的勇氣跟毅力，請讓我下跪一拜。

以下為我的影片內容全文：

Hello everybody, My name is Joyce, and I am from Taiwan
大家好我是琬柔 我來自台灣。

For those of you who don’t already know, Today’s New York Times has a full page ad that features Taiwan.
可能很多人不知道，4月14日的紐約時報有一面關於台灣的全版廣告。

For me, I really hope that it’s an effective ad with the message that Taiwan can and is trying it’s best to help with the global COVID-19 pandemic.
我希望這份廣告能有效傳遞，台灣能、而且竭盡所能地想要跟世界對抗新型冠狀病毒疫情的訊息。

And if you are wondering about the background for why it’s here, let me walk you through it.
如果你好奇這整件事情的來龍去脈，讓我來解釋給你聽。

So we all know that Taiwan has been excluded from international organizations for years. In normal times, this is big missed opportunity since Taiwan has a lot to offer the international community. But this has been really bad during the coronavirus outbreak since Taiwan has been one of the most effective countries in containing the COVID-19 cases through early and aggressive quarantine and contact tracing policies.

我們都知道台灣長年被排除在國際組織之外。如果是太平盛世，大家錯失的是一個讓台灣幫助國際的機會，但是這在疫情延燒全球之際，可能會對局勢帶來負面影響，
因為台灣透過了迅速及嚴格的政策，為疫情超前佈署，成為全球少數能有效控制新冠疫情的國家之一。

In fact Taiwan was warning of the potential for a global pandemic emerging from China as early as last December. And while Taiwan has been eager to offer helping hand to the world during this time of crisis and share best practices, it has been shut out of the discussions at the WHO.
事實上 台灣早在去年12月就曾經警告過這個病毒恐將在全球造成大流行，就在台灣渴望對國際做出貢獻的時候，台灣被排除在WHO的各項討論之外。

So for me, I see this ad as a message to the world that Taiwan is here to help. Let me read some parts of it for you。
對我來說 我覺得這個廣告傳遞的訊息是，台灣在這裡想要幫忙。讓我分享其中幾段文字。

“You are not alone. Taiwan is with you.”
「你不是孤單的。台灣也跟你站在同一陣線。」

“In the past weeks, Taiwan has provided more than 16 million medical masks to support medical professionals around the world and has worked together with the US and the EU on the most advanced rapid tests and vaccines for COVID-19.”
「在過去幾周裡，台灣捐贈了1600萬個口罩支援世界各地的醫療人員，我們也與美國跟歐盟一起合作，開發最先進的快篩與疫苗。」

“Who can isolate Taiwan? No one.”
「誰能孤立台灣？沒有人。」

“Because we are here to help.”
「因為我們是來提供幫忙的。」

I know there has been news coverage of some controversy with the WHO, but I can tell you that the goal of this AD is not to pick a fight with the WHO. Because Taiwan is trying its best to stop the spread of COVID-19 and is truly looking to help
我知道過去有不少WHO的爭議新聞報導但我能告訴你們，這個廣告的目的不是要跟WHO吵架，因為台灣正在竭盡所能地阻止疫情擴散，並且真心想幫忙。

Lastly, For those of you who can’t see the small print, the ad was crowdfunded by the contributions of over 25,000 average Taiwanese people who just want to voice that Taiwan is here to help. In fact, a good portion of the proceeds from the crowdfunding campaign will be donated to fight against COVID-19 internationally. 如果你們看不到這行小字，這個廣告的群眾募資計畫，代表超過2萬5000個台灣民眾的聲音，他們想告訴世界「台灣能幫上忙」。事實上，部分募得的款項，會被捐助於國際間對抗疫情之用。

I think It’s really a beautiful message and I’m glad I can share this with you. And of course I want you guys to know that Taiwan can help and Taiwan is helping. Thank you for your listening.
對我來說這真的是一段佳話，我很高興能在這裡跟你們分享，而且我也希望你們知道，台灣不僅能幫忙，也已經在貢獻一己之力，謝謝你們聆聽。

世界卫生组织 Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus #Taiwancanhelp #Taiwanishelping

李杰明 W.M.L Playlist: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL_BJh1Mu7PPeS2THyw0DMZOYBOhYS2EAx
李杰明 W.M.L IG: https://www.instagram.com/wmlhiphop/
SKRpresents IG: https://www.instagram.com/skrpresents/
Listen: https://www.soundscape.net/a/9577
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詞：李杰明 W.M.L
曲：李杰明 W.M.L
編制：陶山 Skot Suyama
導演：Michael Li

我到底是誰
Who am I?

我到底是誰？是饒舌歌手？
Who am I? A rapper?
我到底是誰？是流行歌手？
Who am I ? A singer?
我到底是誰？是否要遮醜？
Who am I ? Do I need to hide my flaws?
我到底是誰？是否要逃走？
Who am I ? Do I need to run away ?
我到底是誰？社交的障礙
Who am I ? Anti social?
我到底是誰？情感的阻礙
Who am I ? Don’t know how to love
我到底是誰？心裡的無奈
Who am I ? Feeling defeated in my heart
我到底是誰？藝人的腐敗
Who am I ? Rotten Artist?

突然放慢速度心不可以急
Slowing down myself I cannot rush now
突然退後一步才發現混濁的是感情
Take a step back and realize it's emotions that have clouded me
是懷疑？是質疑？
Is it Doubt ? Are they questions ?
沒安全感的分離
Feeling insecure from anxiety ?
是分歧？是珍惜？
Am I different ? Keeping a distance ?
跟著河水走最後卻一身泥
Thought I'm going with the flow but got mud all over myself

我到底是誰？衝突情感在輪迴
Who am I ? Conflicting feelings stuck in a loop
我到底是誰？快樂夾雜著後悔
Who am I ? Happiness mixed with regrets
我到底是誰？內疚在扯我後腿
Who am I ? Guilt is dragging me back
我到底是誰？是控制欲的傀儡
Who am I ? I'm the puppet of my controlling desires

我到底是誰 我從來沒有正確答案
Who am I, I never have the correct answer
所以我到底是誰 我情緒依舊這麼亂
So who am I, why am I such an emotional mess?
複雜的情感無法往前看
Feelings blocking me from moving forward
我悲觀不能給人看
My dark emotions can't show to people
我樂觀卻不聽使喚
But my bright emotions can't be controlled
我情緒像一堆子彈
My emotions are like bullets
我依然沒辦法止戰
I still can't shut down the war in my head
我對著鏡子罵混蛋
I curse the guy in the mirror
我跪著祈禱給神看
I'm praying to show god
我心跳逐漸的緩慢
My heart beats getting slower
我心態逐漸的懶散
My attitude becomes passive
我控制慾使我渙散
My controlling desire makes me blurry
我控制慾被我斬斷
I cut off my controlling desire
我快樂不再是期盼
I stop hoping for happiness

控制慾持續地影響我的生活
Controlling desires continue to affect my life
感覺一切都是自己與自己的爭奪
Feel like everything is fighting with myself
嘗試露出笑容 可我突然眉頭深鎖
Try to smile but my face muscles stop me
就讓控制慾出來吧 我不想再斟酌
Just let my controlling desire go crazy, I don't want to tip toe anymore

原來我有控制慾 是因為不敢信任
I have controlling desires because I'm afraid to trust
充滿低自信的心態 我也開始記恨
Such low confidence, I start to hate
我必須要訂正 我以前那些定論
I need to correct my incorrect definition of everything
其實我一點都不可憐 只是莫名氣憤
I'm not sad, I'm just angry for no reason
所以我想到底 我的道理能否叫醒
I think this theory can wake me up
我自己別再如此的暴力
Tell myself to stop being aggressive
選擇相信一個人 選擇別詆毀一個人
Try to trust someone instead of making them a bad guy
別讓文字使我沈淪 但不確定我能不能忍
Don't twist my words, but I'm not sure if I can do it

信任妳 所以給了妳最初的情緒
Giving you my first emotion out of trust
感激妳對我的接納 讓我能放下疑慮
Thank you for accepting them, letting my doubt go away
腦海裡變得寧靜 心中感受到平靜
My mind quiets down and I can feel the peace at last
我發現感激與悲憤的起伏 似乎是相同的頻率
I realize gratefulness and sorrow, they seem to be on the same wave in my heart
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Assistant: Rayson
Hair & Makeup : Renée Chen 陳嘉唯