關於 burn it down翻譯 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Part of your world -the little mermaid
翻唱自迪士尼動畫 小美人魚

在我的YouTube 頻道也有上傳，youtube 可以重複播放或加入清單喔

請忽略根不上的內建字幕
完整歌詞

Look at this stuff
Isn't it neat?
Wouldn't you think my collection's complete?
Wouldn't you think I'm the girl
The girl who has ev'rything?
Look at this trove
Treasures untold
How many wonders can one cavern hold?
Lookin' around here you'd think
(Sure) she's got everything
I've got gadgets and gizmos aplenty
I've got whozits and whatzits galore
(You want thingamabobs?
I got twenty)
But who cares?
No big deal
I want more
I want to be where the people are
I want to see
want to see 'em dancin'
Walkin' around on those
(Whad'ya call 'em?) oh - feet
Flippin' your fins you don't get too far
Legs are required for jumpin', dancin'
Strollin' along down a
(What's that word again?) street
Up where they walk
Up where they run
Up where they stay all day in the sun
Wanderin' free
Wish I could be
Part of that world
What would I give
If I could live
Outta these waters?
What would I pay
To spend a day
Warm on the sand?
Betcha on land
They understand
Bet they don't reprimand their daughters
Bright young women
Sick o' swimmin'
Ready to stand
And ready to know what the people know
Ask 'em my questions
And get some answers
What's a fire and why does it
(What's the word?) burn?
When's it my turn?
Wouldn't I love
Love to explore that shore above?
Out of the sea
Wish I could be
Part of that world
翻譯成中文

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【哈金的抉擇】

在飛機上重看了一遍《阿拉丁》真人版，相隔大半年再看，《A Whole New World》還是那麼動聽、茉莉公主還是那麼迷人，但這一次，讓我印象深刻的是一個小角色──哈金。

哈金是茉莉公主的父王最忠誠的將軍，掌握軍事大權、緊守崗位，他說「法律要求他忠於蘇丹（阿拉伯國家的國王）」，所以他必須遵從蘇丹的指示。

後來，大反派賈方奪得神燈，靠精靈的魔法成為了蘇丹。

「現在我是蘇丹，你必須聽從我。」賈方對哈金說。

哈金因著法律，雖然無奈卻只好順從新的蘇丹，正所謂「奉命執法何罪之有？」，於是他命人將茉莉公主及原蘇丹押下。茉莉公主不甘於被噤聲，唱出震撼人心的《Speechless》一曲（歌詞中文字幕「勇敢發聲」翻譯得太好了）後，嘗試以情理說服哈金：

「我知道你既忠誠又正義，但你現在需要選擇。職責不見得都是榮耀，我們最大的挑戰不是挺身抗敵，而是違抗我們應當服從的人，賈方不值得你欣賞或犧牲。你會容忍賈方摧毀我們熱愛的王國，還是做出正確之舉，與人民站在同一陣線？」

最後，哈金選擇違抗新蘇丹的命令。他選擇忠於自己的良知、忠於人民，而不是盲目地守法、支持一個邪惡極權。

順從是容易的，反抗需要勇氣。在社會公義與奉公守法之間，我們選擇的是噤聲，還是挺身反抗？

祝大家聖誕快樂，願榮光歸香港。

《Speechless》歌詞（節錄）

Written in stone every rule, every word
自古以來的每條規則

Centuries old and unbending
歷經千年 執拗不變

Stay in your place better seen and not heard
總要我安份守己 不要有意見

But now that story is ending
但如今 那樣的故事該結束了

Cause I, I cannot start to crumble
因為我不會崩潰

So come on and try
所以放馬過來吧

Try to shut me and cut me down
即使試圖讓我噤聲 打倒我

I won't be silenced
我也不會就此緘默

You can't keep me quiet
你無法阻止我發聲

Won't tremble when you try it
無論你如何阻撓 我也不會動搖顫抖

All I know is I won't go speechless (speechless)
我只知道我不會因此沈默不語

Let the storm in
就讓暴風襲擊吧

I cannot be broken
我是不會被打倒的

No, I won't live unspoken
我不會卑微過一生

Cause I know that I won't go speechless
因為我知道我不會就這樣坐以待斃 緘默不語


Try to lock me in this cage
即使試圖把我鎖進牢籠裡

I won't just lay me down and die
我也不會因此放棄或倒地不起

I will take these broken wings
我會帶著殘破的雙翼

And watch me burn across the sky
炙熱燃燒 飛越蒼穹

Hear the echoes saying I ... won't be silenced
聽見那傳來的回音...我不會就此沈默

Though you wanna see me tremble when you try it
即使你不斷試著要動搖我 想看我害怕顫抖的模樣

All I know is I won't go speechless (speechless)
但我只知道我不會因此什麼都不說

Stream or Download: https://IHM031.lnk.to/FYNMA

Starting off with brooding atmospheres, heavy-duty kick drums and rumbling bass, i_o's third release on inHarmony heads down a dark road that takes listeners toward the light. Welcoming the contrasting vocals and entrancing melody half-way, 'Feel You Now' shows that you're not alone even when you think you are.

The night is growing cold
今晚逐漸寒冷

And I'm here on my own
但我獨自一人處在這裡

Like I'm the only one who's left alive
彷彿我是唯一活在世上的倖存者

My heart is freezing up
我的心逐漸結凍

And I need your love
而我需要妳的愛

It's the only thing that keeps me warm inside
那是唯一能讓我內心保持溫暖的來源

Like a fire
就像把火

Let it burn
讓它隨處燃燒吧

Burn down all the bad in me
把我內在所有不好的地方都焚燒殆盡

And I don't know why
而我不明白

I don't know how
不知為何

But I feel you now
但我感受到妳了

I feel you now
彷彿在我身旁

In my darkest nights
在我最黑暗的那一夜

My darkest hour
最需要他人救贖的時候

I feel you now
我感受到妳了

I feel you now
我很確定感受到妳了

I'm not alone
我這才明白自己並不寂寞

I'm not alone
妳讓我不再寂寞

In my darkest nights
因為在我深陷黑暗的夜晚

My darkest hour
無人求助的情況下

I feel you now
妳還是都在我身旁

I feel you now
我可以感受到妳在

In my darkest nights
在我最痛苦的夜晚

My darkest hour
最悲慘的那一刻

I feel you now
我感受到妳在身旁

I feel you now
我很確定自己感受到

I'm not alone
因為有妳 所以我並不寂寞

I'm not alone
不會再寂寞

歌詞翻譯by Ray

✅ Buy/Stream "Perfect Ghost" here: https://Anjunabeats.lnk.to/MAPGas

Riding the wave following the release of his Tales From Another World compilation, Myon returns to Anjunabeats with another heartfelt record. Reuniting with ‘Omen In The Rain’ vocalist Alissa Feudo, ‘Perfect Ghost’ provides an emotive orchestral journey, debuted during Above & Beyond’s ABGT300 celebrations in Hong Kong.

Lyrics:
It's 4am
現在凌晨4點

Listening to R.E.M
聆聽著R.E.M樂團的歌

And I just can't believe it
我仍然無法相信這一切

Never thought you would be leaving
從未想過你會離我而去

And then it's 4pm
一轉眼變下午4點

Still up and I'm wearing thin
仍清醒無法入眠

Cause I've run out of feeling
因為我喪失了所有感覺

And I started to numb beneath it
並逐漸盲目接受這一切

And I could see us in my mind
腦中仍充滿著你我的畫面

Found the worlds we left behind
找尋原本屬於我們的世界

They're gone now
早就不復以往

Memories they burn and turn to stone
回憶逐漸幻滅變沉重

Never thought that I'd become this cold
從未想過我會變得如此冷漠

And all that I can do
而一切我所能做

Is give us up
就只有放棄了

It's dark inside
內心好 黑暗

And we've lost the fight
我們遺失在人生路途中

You're walking right through me
你就這樣與我擦身而過

I'm not where I should be
我不屬於這裡

So I'm leaving now
所以我離開了

Just sinking down
逐漸向下沉

There's nothing left to see
一切逐漸看不清

A perfect ghost I'll be
彷彿一個完美鬼魂般

I'll disappear from you
我會從你身邊離去

I'll disappear from you
會從你的人生離去

I'll disappear from you
就這樣離你而去

歌詞翻譯by Ray Shen

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