Chairperson of Central and Western District Council Cheng Lai-king, who had pleaded guilty to contempt of court, was sentenced to 28 days of imprisonment, suspended for 12 months, and ordered to pay HK$334,000 in court fees.
Read more: https://bit.ly/2T8gick
中西區區議會主席鄭麗琼今年3月在fb專頁轉載被指射盲印尼女記者的警員名字及警員編號等的帖文,並留言評論「如果這名警員是有良知的?請自首!以眼還眼」,被指藐視法庭。案件今日提訊,鄭麗琼承認控罪。法官高浩文判她入獄28日,但緩刑12個月,同時須支付33.4萬元訟費。
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同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過8,320的網紅Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視,也在其Youtube影片中提到,2014年71遊行學聯後續留守遮打道行動重點片段記錄 Key Footage on 2014 Post-71March Sit-in on Chater Road by HKFS 當晚,校園電視記者走在前線的所見所聞。 What we saw right at the front line tha...
「central and western district council」的推薦目錄:
- 關於central and western district council 在 Apple Daily - English Edition Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於central and western district council 在 范國威 Gary Fan Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於central and western district council 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於central and western district council 在 Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視 Youtube 的精選貼文
central and western district council 在 范國威 Gary Fan Facebook 的精選貼文
〈十七區區議會聯合會議〉
6.6丨Sat丨14:30
討論:「港版國安法」
十七區區議會,包括東區、灣仔、南區、中西區、觀塘、黃大仙、九龍城、油尖旺、深水埗、西貢、沙田、大埔、北區、葵青、荃灣、屯門及元朗,將就上述議題舉行特別會議,亦邀請離島區議員列席。
各區議會特別會議將史無前例,同時同地進行。場地所限,不設旁聽,屆時本專頁將備會議直播。
<17 District Councils Joint-Meeting>
6.6丨Sat丨14:30
Discussion :National Security Law for Hong Kong
17 District Councils, including Eastern District, Wan Chai District, Southern District, Central and Western District, Kwun Tong District, Wong Tai Sin District, Kowloon City District, Yau Tsim Mong District, Shum Shui Po District, Sai Kung District, Shatin District, Taipo District, North District, Kwai Tsing District , Tsuen Wan District, Tuen Mun District and Yuen Long District, will hold a joint-meeting to discuss the above-mentioned issue. Island District Council is also invited as audience in attendance.
The 17 District Councils Joint-Meeting will be an unprecedented event, which offers a same-venue-same-time platform. Due to venue restrictions, observer seats will not be entertained. Live broadcast will be available on the official webpage.
〈十七區區議會聯合會議〉
6.6丨Sat丨14:30
討論:「港版國安法」
十七區區議會,包括東區、灣仔、南區、中西區、觀塘、黃大仙、九龍城、油尖旺、深水埗、西貢、沙田、大埔、北區、葵青、荃灣、屯門及元朗,將就上述議題舉行特別會議,亦邀請離島區議員列席。
各區議會特別會議將史無前例,同時同地進行。場地所限,不設旁聽,屆時本專頁將備會議直播。
<17 District Councils Joint-Meeting>
6.6丨Sat丨14:30
Topic: National Security Law for Hong Kong
17 District Councils, including Eastern District, Wan Chai District, Southern District, Central and Western District, Kwun Tong District, Wong Tai Sin District, Kowloon City District, Yau Tsim Mong District, Shum Shui Po District, Sai Kung District, Sha Tin District, Tai APo District, North District, Kwai Tsing District , Tsuen Wan District, Tuen Mun District and Yuen Long District, will hold a joint meeting to discuss the issue. Island District Council is also invited to attend as audience.
The joint meeting of 17 District Councils is an unprecedented event, gathering participants at the same time, in the same place. Due to venue restrictions, observer seats are not available. Live broadcast will be available on the official webpage.
central and western district council 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【《金融時報》深度長訪】
今年做過數百外媒訪問,若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問,必然是《金融時報》的這一個,沒有之一。
在排山倒海的訪問裡,這位記者能在短短個半小時裡,刻畫得如此傳神,值得睇。
Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.
So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.
He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.
Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.
We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.
The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.
“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.
Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.
That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.
“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”
Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.
The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.
In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.
Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”
And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.
“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.
“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.
Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.
“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.
I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.
“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.
I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”
He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”
The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.
“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.
“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.
After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.
“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.
A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.
I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”
I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.
“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.
While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.
We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.
“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.
“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.
central and western district council 在 Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視 Youtube 的精選貼文
2014年71遊行學聯後續留守遮打道行動重點片段記錄
Key Footage on 2014 Post-71March Sit-in on Chater Road by HKFS
當晚,校園電視記者走在前線的所見所聞。
What we saw right at the front line that night.
[0:24] 1:25am 警方首次發出警示。
First warning was issued by the police.
[0:48] 1:38am 警方發出拘捕警示。
Pre-arrest warning was issued by the police.
[1:22] 1:42am 大會呼籲留守行動參加者聚在一起。
The sit-in participants were asked to gather.
[1:34] 2:05am 港大同學參與留守行動。
HKU students also participated in sit-in.
[1:40] 2:20am 中環區區議員支持留守行動參加者。
A member of Central & Western District Council showed his support to the protesters.
[1:48] 2:40am 警方組成人鏈,進入靜坐人群。
Police entered the sit-in crowd.
[2:47] 2:45am 示威者大喊「八點」。
Protesters shouted "8 o'clock".
[2:54] 2:53am 大會警告警方侵犯新聞自由。
The organizers warned the police for violating the freedom of press.
[3:08] 3:04am 場外市民及港大學生指責警方做法。
The onlookers and HKU students reproached the police.
[3:32] 3:07am 台上音響忽然停止運作。
Onstage PA system went off.
[3:40] 3:23am 場外群眾組成人鏈保護靜坐的參加者。
The crowd formed a chain to protect the sit-in participants.
[4:20] 3:43am 警方設置鐵馬於記者前方。
The police set barriers in front of the reporters.
[4:36] 3:45am 警方抬起示威者。
Protesters were being pulled and taken away.
[6:01] 3:52am 八旬老人被抬走拘捕。
An 80-year-old man was taken away and arrested.
[7:55] 4:34am 警方再次走進人群中組成人鏈,場外人士抗議。
The police entered the sit-in crowd again, which triggered the objection of onlookers.
[8:28] 4:38am 警方嘗試於人群中開路,示威者大喊警方可恥。
The police tried to enter the sit-in crowd and the protesters felt shame on the police.
[8:54] 4:40am 靜坐者亦減少空間讓警方進入,後來警方暫時撤退。
The protesters sat together to prevent the police from entering the crowd. Later on, the police decided to leave.
[9:14] 4:46am 持咪者勸示威者減少喊口號以保持體力。
The speaker suggested the protesters to shout less in order to save energy.
[9:46] 5:00am 警方勸籲記者退後。
The police recommended the reporters to take a step back.
[10:01] 5:03am 警方使用鐵馬阻攔記者。
Police separated the reporters from protesters.
[10:30] 5:25am 記者與警方一度發生爭執,示威者大喊警方可恥。
The reporters and police once argued. The protesters felt shame on the police.
[10:59] 5:29am 一名靜坐男子情緒激動,對著警方哭喊。
A man in the sit-in crowd cried loud in front of the police.
[11:53] 5:41am 852郵報記者被警方帶到一旁查問。
A reporter from Post 852 was led aside by the police.
[12:23] 6:07am 警方於執勤期間稍為休息。
The police took a rest.
[12:41] 6:10am 警方抬起一名老婦。
An old lady was being taken away.
[14:34] 6:35am 後方群眾質疑警方帶走示威者時使用暴力。
The crowd condemned police for their violent action while taking protesters away.
[15:40] 6:48am 示威者躺下準備被抬走。
The protesters lied down before being arrested.
[15:50] 7:12am 兩名警員與示威者交談,表示:「我都想唞」。
In the conversation between the two police officers and the protesters, they said that they wanted to take a rest too.
[17:14] 7:45am 市民在場外聲援。
Citizens outside the sit-in crowd showed their support to protesters.
[17:40] 7:56am 靜坐市民手挽手以防被輕易抬走。
The protesters held hands in order not to be taken away easily.
[17:51] 7:59am 群眾於佔領目標8時來臨前倒數。
Countdown before 8am was seen to signify the end of the sit-in.
[19:31] 8:03am 場外的警方佈防。
The defense construction was set up by the police.