‘An English-speaking Mao Zedong’|Lee Yee
In mid-November, a friend of mine, a youngster, texted me: “He’s really stingy.” I replied: “It’s OK! Even though we have been holding different views for years, he has been putting up with my audacity.”
Since we met because of June 4 at a dinner with other pro-democracy movement figures, we have been acquainted with each other for more than 30 years, during which we had frequent dealings and contact with one another for a number of years. Asked by him about how much money was needed for running a magazine, I, the operator of The 90s, a business with small capital, told him to put in ten times of mine for a weekly publication. In the end, he invested a hundred times of it in running the most influential magazine that cornered the market in town. Later on, he founded a newspaper which also changed the media ecology in Hong Kong, initiating an unprecedented market setting all at once.
Inspired by the democracy movement in Beijing to switch to another line of work, he surely did it for his compassion for China. I used to have it myself, and it stayed strong until June 4, after which I merely hoped for the indigenous values of Hong Kong to be preserved. In light of the Handover being imperative under the circumstances, to get the democratization of Hong Kong moving seemed to be the only way out, though I reckoned the chance of success was slender as well.
In terms of our beliefs in freedom, democracy and the rule of law, there hasn’t been much difference between us. As to our outlooks on the prospect of democracy of China and Hong Kong, I have always been pessimistic while he has always taken the opposite view. It is understandable because pessimism is never an obstacle to my writing while it is to an operation of such a big media business.
In 2005, I was invited by him to become a writer-turned-editor in charge of the opinion page. He promised me back then he would never meddle in my editorial orientation. As I recommended on purpose a commentator who had fallen foul of the paper, he consented without hesitation. It’s a shame that I was finally turned down by that commentator.
From being an editor to being fired nine years later, from writing editorials to writing a column, I have been disagreeing with him on a number of issues over the last decade: localists versus pro-Greater China camp, freedom of discussion about independence, evaluation of the youths and the valiant, support for or criticisms of the pan-democratic alliance, “conspiracy theories” in all previous elections… But as my boss, he has been putting up with me, delivering to me his opposite viewpoints through somebody else. And he never hampered me from publishing articles I showed him in advance that bluntly criticized him.
With his compassion for Greater China, opening up of China was definitely appealing to him. As far as I know, China did try quite a number of times to take him in in its united front work. There was an occasion that one of his good friends met him in Taiwan, saying to him that he was invited by the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) to pay a visit to China, that he was to be allowed to run newspapers there about everything – entertainments, sports and the society, except for politics, and that in view of the growing economy of China, he would earn a big fortune. No sooner had he finished listening to it than he called the security guards to send the guest off. Later, he explained to me why he did it so abruptly instead of euphemizing. He said he was actually afraid of not being able to resist the enticement, and that he would abstain from the principle of distancing himself from the power. Listening to the story about his being aware he would get feeble, I admired him in all sincerity.
At whiles I just think he displeased the CCP not because of his words and deeds, but the fact that he couldn’t tell good from bad. Who couldn’t be bought off? Not least he’s just a businessman. That was just so riling!
When the publication began in Taiwan, I was told that according to the tacit business regulation in Taiwan, kickbacks had to be given to those who were empowered to do ad placements from the clients’ side. Yet the boss disapproved of it, which made things difficult for the staff in the advertising department. I asked him why he couldn’t bend the rule a little. He said as we kept laying bare under-the-table deals among politicians and businessmen, it was hard to justify ourselves if we also engaged in the same dirty deals. He is really somebody who insists on complying with laws, attaches importance to rules and ethics. Whenever I think of such a person being imprisoned, I feel sorrowful about him and the society.
It has been more than a year since last time I got in touch with him that he gave me a call asking me to stop writing my memoir for a few days to talk about the anti-extradition movement in my column in March last year. That was the only time he has ever suggested a writing topic for me. I agreed for I was going to do the same thing.
The youngsters in touch with me have always been discontent with him and his paper because of a lot of events over more than a decade, but I have always told them to take a look at a bigger picture. He is said to be an English-speaking Mao Zedong in the newsroom. Maybe it’s true. Mao’s merits and demerits aside, his manifest stubbornness and insane words and deeds showed he was somebody that would achieve something big. Winston Churchill was also an eccentric and moody person, but he did a marvelous feat against all odds. It seems Trump belongs to the same category, so does he.
同時也有10部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過8萬的網紅Jackz,也在其Youtube影片中提到,【當年今日】 這是最好的時代,也是最壞的時代。 有人說我們的社會撕裂,但我卻感受到香港人史無前例的團結。 It was the best of times, it was the worst of times. Some said social cleavages emerged in our c...
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【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線
中文、意大利文演說全文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118
感謝開創未來基金會(Fondazione Farefuturo)邀請,讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言,呼籲世界繼續關注香港,與香港人站在同一陣線。
意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家,理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解,如今正值大學保衛戰一週年,以致大搜捕的時刻,當打壓更為嚴峻,香港更需要世界與我們同行。
為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況,我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿,盼望在如此困難的時勢裡,繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。
【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】
Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.
Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.
Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.
Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail
Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.
Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.
I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.
But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?
Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene
The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.
As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.
The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.
I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.
Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.
That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.
Defending freedom behind the bars
No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.
The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.
I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.
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china extradition law, hong kong 在 李卓人 Lee Cheuk Yan Facebook 的最佳貼文
//今年10月1日是中共建政71周年,支聯會將聯同友好團體代表於10月1日11時,以倒行形式分組前往中聯辦宣讀聲明及中港在囚異見人士狀況,敦促中共改善人權,落實當年建政的承諾,停止粉飾太平,回應聲明提出的訴求。//
【沒有人權,哪有國慶?停止打壓異見 還我言論自由】聯署聲明全文
(English below)
中共建政71周年,也是中國人民飽受苦難的歷史。建政前,中共以民主、自由、繁榮、富強的承諾,欺騙萬千愛國者為其拋頭顱、灑熱血。建政後首30年,階級鬥爭為綱,政治運動頻仍;經濟冒進失誤,赤地千里,餓殍遍野。接著的10年,推行經濟改革,但仍堅持獨裁專政,打壓人民訴求,導致胡耀邦、趙紫陽下台,更發生「六四」血腥鎮壓。「六四」後31年來,貪污腐敗猖獗,貧富兩極分化,弱勢社群備受壓榨,道德倫理殆盡,維權和異見人士被拘入獄,全國籠罩白色恐怖,人權蕩然。習近平專政下,14億人民仍活在沒有人權、沒有尊嚴中,有甚麼值得慶祝?
今天是中共所謂的「國慶」,但71年來,許多人只因表達政治立場慘遭拘禁和酷刑,直到今天,仍有不計其數人士因言獲罪,身陷囹圄。在這個令人憤慨而非喜慶的日子,支聯會等團體特別關注被所謂「危害國家安全」罪名拘押的中國和香港抗爭者,他們面對獨裁政權迫害,我們在香港也正經歷同樣命運。
對中國異見人士來說,中國政府以所謂「國家安全」為理由作出種種打壓,是每天不能承受的痛。今年,香港人失去法治和自由,自中央政府於6月30日強推《港區國安法》後,多名人士以所謂與「國安」有關的罪名被起訴,12位年輕人更因為逃亡台灣途中「被送中」,香港人自由岌岌可危,與中國異見人士更是唇齒相依。
他們代表不同年齡和不同背景人士對民主自由的渴求,在鐵幕高牆的國度仍不畏強權,以各種方式爭取民主和傳播尊重人權的訊息,但他們合法和合理的行動和訴求,卻被政權以違反所謂「國家安全」惡法無理打壓,他們的案件在中國只是冰山一角,深信還有不少被專制政權迫害而不知名的受害人。
港區《國安法》強推以來僅僅數月,言論自由空間不斷收窄,過往不少可以喊的口號和可以發起的行動,已被政府強詞奪理解讀為違反《國安法》,營造赤色恐怖,企圖噤聲,打壓異己,令香港的自由急速消逝,嚴重侵犯市民的言論自由與集會自由。
我們強烈要求中國政府和香港政府停止粉飾太平,回應以下訴求:
1)平反八九民運,還多年來承受失去至親一個公道!
2)成立獨立調查委員會,調查「六四」及香港自去年「反送中」運動的警暴行為!
3)停止假借「國家安全」名義,肆意破壞香港法治精神和打壓言論自由!
4)立即釋放中港被囚異見人士!
2020年10月1日
聯署團體:(更新 30.9.2020)
香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會
四五行動
林鉅成社會服務處
溫哥華支援民主運動聯合會
天安門母親運動
卡城中國民主促進會
良心之友
中國維權律師關注組
社會民主連線
青衣居民權益服務社
香港社會工作者總工會
新婦女協進會
民主黨
工黨
香港職工會聯盟
郭家麒議員辦事處
民間電台
曾健成議員辦事處
六四行動
民間人權陣線
香港基督徒社關團契
關注綜援低收入聯盟
零售、商業及成衣業總工會
基督徒社工
香港教育專業人員協會
關心香港前途小組
公民黨
’Without human Rights, How Can We Celebrate “National Day”?Stop the crackdown on dissidents; give us our freedom‘
1 October 2020
The Chinese Communist Party has been in power for 71 years now—71 years of suffering for the Chinese people. Before coming to power, the Party promised to make China a democratic, free, prosperous and strong country, but it fooled hundreds of thousands of patriots into sacrificing themselves for the nation. For the first 30 years after the establishment of the regime, class struggle was the main focus and mass political campaigns were frequent. Economic policy was poorly devised, leading to famine and death.
In the following 10 years, the regime enacted economic reform but remained totalitarian. It cracked down on demands for change, leading to the fall of liberal state leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang and eventually the bloodshed of the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. In the subsequent 31 years, corruption has been rampant and uneven wealth distribution serious. Underprivileged groups are squeezed by those in power. Ethics and morality have collapsed. Human rights defenders and dissidents are detained and imprisoned. The whole country lives under white terror. There are simply no human rights. Under Xi Jinping’s dictatorship, 1.4 billion people are living in a society without human rights or dignity. What is there to celebrate?
Today is what the Party calls “National Day”. But over the past 71 years, many have been ruthlessly imprisoned and tortured simply for expressing their political views. Countless people are still detained for their speech. On this day we should feel outrage rather than joy,. Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China and other organizations are particularly concerned about the Chinese and Hong Kong activists facing so-called “national security” charges. While those in China endure the persecution of a totalitarian regime, we in Hong Kong experience the same fate.
Chinese dissidents suffer unbearable pain every day as the Chinese government uses the pretext of “national security” to crack down on them. In this year, Hongkongers have lost rule of law and experience diminishing freedoms. Since the central government forcibly imposed the Hong Kong national security law (officially the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region”) on 30 June 2020, dozens of individuals have been charged with so-called “national security” crimes. Twelve young people fleeing to Taiwan were taken to China. Hong Kong people’s freedoms are at greater risk than ever. Hong Kong people’s fate is even more interconnected with the Chinese people’s.
Many, diverse in age and background, desire democracy and freedom. They do not fear challenging the government despite dictatorship. They fight for democracy and share information about human rights. But their legal and legitimate actions and demands have been punished by the government with so-called “national security” charges. Their cases are only the tip of the iceberg in China. There are many unknown people persecuted by the regime.
The Hong Kong national security law has been in force for several months. Freedom of expression is drastically diminishing. Protest slogans are now interpreted by the Hong Kong government as violations of the national security law. The government creates red terror, attempts to silence dissenting views, and cracks down on dissidents. Hong Kong’s freedoms are quickly disappearing. Hong Kong people’s freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are seriously infringed.
We call on the Chinese and Hong Kong governments to stop whitewashing the daunting situation in China and Hong Kong and respond to the following requests:
1. Vindicate the 1989 pro-democracy movement and give victims’ families a fair explanation, apology and compensation;
2. Establish an independent commission to investigate the Tiananmen Massacre as well as police violence during the Anti-Extradition Bill protests in Hong Kong since last year;
3. Stop using “national security” as an excuse to ruthlessly destroy Hong Kong’s rule of law and freedom of expression;
4. Immediately release all detained Chinese and Hong Kong dissidents.
Signatories: (updated on 30.9.2020)
Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China
April Fifth Action
Community service office of KS Lam
Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement
Tiananmen Mothers Campaign
Movement for Democracy in China (Calgary)
Friends of Conscience
China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group
League of social democrats
Tsing Yi Residents Rights and Interests Service Society
Hong Kong Social Workers` General Union
The Association for the Advancement of Feminism
The Democratic Party
Labour Party (Hong Kong)
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions
Office of Dr. Kwok Ka Ki, Legislative Council Member
Citizens Radio
Office of Tsang Kin Shing District Councillor
June 4th Action
Civil Human Rights Front
Hong Kong Christian Fellowship of Social Concern
Concerning CSSA and Low Income Alliance
Retail, Commerce and Clothing Industries General Union
Christian Social Workers
Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union
Concern the Future of Hong Kong
CIVIC PARTY
—————
註:六四紀念館已於9月15日重新開放,繼續舉辦「走在抗極權最前線——從『八九六四』到『反送中』」主題展覽,同時舉辦「中港被囚異見人士」專題展(至10月31日),介紹異見人士的事蹟,誠邀參觀及報導。查詢:2459 6489(電話/WhatsApp)、 64museum@alliance.org.hk (電郵)
—————
#十一 #六四 #反送中 #人權 #言論自由 #humanrights #freedomofspeech #june4
china extradition law, hong kong 在 Jackz Youtube 的精選貼文
【當年今日】
這是最好的時代,也是最壞的時代。
有人說我們的社會撕裂,但我卻感受到香港人史無前例的團結。
It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.
Some said social cleavages emerged in our city,
but what I witnessed was an unprecedented unity of HongKongers.
2019年6月16日,香港經歷有史以來最大規模的示威遊行活動。多達200萬人參與遊行,抗議政府修訂《逃犯條例》草案。除撤回修訂逃犯條例外,不少民眾要求行政長官林鄭月娥下台。身穿黑衣的示威人潮迫滿街頭,令港島一帶馬路宛如「黑海」。亦有不少人手持白花,紀念日前在太古廣場墜樓的「梁烈士」。示威者手持不同的標語表達訴求,當中包括「學生沒有暴動」、「釋放被捕人士」、「追究警暴」等等。當首批遊行人士抵達金鐘添馬公園終點的時候,仍有不少遊行人士在維多利亞公園等待出發。儘管香港在當年暑假發生了一連串的事件,特首林鄭月娥要到9月初才正式撤回備受爭議的《逃犯條例》修訂草案。
毋忘,勿諒。?
0:00 On 16 June 2019, Hong Kong experienced its largest protest in history.
0:05 As many as 2 million people demonstrated against the controversial extradition bill.
0:09 Many called for Chief Executive Carrie Lam to step down.
0:12 Protesters wearing black clothes filled streets and turned roads into a sea of black.
0:16 Many also mourned “martyr” Marco Leung, who fell to his death at Pacific Place the day before.
0:22 Demands reflected in placards included "Students are not rioters", "Release detained protesters" and "Investigate police brutality".
0:29 When the first group of marchers arrived at the march's endpoint, Tamar Park in Admiralty, there were still protesters waiting to leave Victoria Park in Causeway Bay.
0:35 Despite the infamous 721, 831 incidents throughout the summer, Carrie Lam did not declare full withdrawal of the controversial bill amendment until early September.
0:41 Never forget. Never forgive. ?
#兩年前 #二百萬零一人 #香港人加油
References:
【616遊行全紀錄】周一早晨示威者商議後轉往添馬公園集結,金鐘夏慤道重新開放
https://theinitium.com/article/20190616-hongkong-extradition-bill-protest-live/
Hong Kong Timeline 2019-2021: Anti-Extradition Protests & National Security Law
https://www.hrichina.org/en/hong-kong-timeline-2019-2021-anti-extradition-protests-national-security-law
Hong Kong protest: 'Nearly two million' join demonstration
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-48656471
china extradition law, hong kong 在 serpentza Youtube 的最讚貼文
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china extradition law, hong kong 在 Jerry Tsai Youtube 的精選貼文
港鐵週二仍關13站 僅服務到晚間8點 部分公司彈性上班
https://www.nownews.com/news/20191008/3677642/
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