Asian-Americans Are Being Attacked. Why Are Hate Crime Charges So Rare?
On a cold evening last month, a Chinese man was walking home near Manhattan’s Chinatown neighborhood when a stranger suddenly ran up behind him and plunged ( ) a knife into his back.
For many Asian-Americans, the stabbing ( ) was horrifying, but not surprising. It was widely seen as just the latest example of racially targeted violence against Asians during the pandemic.
But the perpetrator ( ), a 23-year-old man from Yemen, had not said a word to the victim before the attack, investigators ( ) said. Prosecutors ( ) determined they lacked enough evidence to prove a racist ( ) motive ( ). The attacker was charged with attempted murder, but not as a hate crime ( ).
The announcement outraged ( ) Asian-American leaders in New York City. Many of them protested ( ) outside the Manhattan district attorney’s office, demanding that the stabbing be prosecuted as a hate crime. They were tired of what they saw as racist assaults being overlooked ( ) by the authorities ( ).
The rally ( ) reflected the tortured ( ) public conversation over how to confront ( ) a rise in reports of violence against Asian-Americans, who have felt increasingly vulnerable ( ) with each new attack. Many incidents have either not led to arrests or have not been charged as hate crimes, making it difficult to capture with reliable data the extent to which Asian-Americans are being targeted.
That frustration erupted on a national scale ( ) this week after Robert Aaron Long, a white man, was charged with fatally shooting eight people, including six women of Asian descent ( ), at spas in the Atlanta area on Tuesday night.
Other incidents that clearly seemed racially motivated have not resulted in arrests. The police are still searching for a man who called an Asian-American mother the “Chinese virus” and spat ( ) at her child in Queens last week.
In New York State, to charge ( ) such attacks as hate crimes, prosecutors would need to show that the victims were targeted because of their race.
But proving a racist motive can be particularly difficult with attacks against Asians, experts say. There is no widely recognized symbol of anti-Asian hate comparable to a noose ( ) or a swastika ( ). Historically, many Asian crime victims around the country were small-business owners who were robbed, complicating ( ) the question of motive.
Under New York State law, certain offenses can be upgraded to hate crimes, increasing the potential prison sentence ( ). As evidence, prosecutors often point to hateful verbal statements or social media posts by the defendant ( ).
In the past month alone, several assaults ( ) on Asian victims have been reported to the police, including an attack on an older woman who was pushed outside a bakery in Queens. None of the incidents has been charged as a hate crime.
In fact, the only person who has been prosecuted for an anti-Asian hate crime in New York City this year is Taiwanese. He was accused of writing anti-Chinese graffiti outside several businesses in Queens.
Wayne Ho, president of the Chinese-American Planning Council, a social services agency, said many of his Asian colleagues were verbally harassed ( ) during the pandemic but chose not to alert law enforcement because they worried the perpetrators, who were often people of color, could be mistreated ( ) by the police.
“I asked myself, do I want this person in jail?” said Alice Wong, one of Mr. Ho’s colleagues. “Just because you put someone in jail doesn’t make them not hate anyone anymore.”
Recognizing ( ) this challenge, some law enforcement officials have called for people who commit hate crimes to attend antiracism classes as an alternative ( ) to prison.
為何針對亞裔的暴力襲擊難以被控仇恨犯罪?
上月一個寒冷的晚上,一名華裔男子在曼哈頓中國城社區附近步行回家時,一個陌生人突然跑到他身後,把刀刺進他的後背。
對許多亞裔美國人來說,這起事件令人驚恐,但並不意外。人們普遍認為,這只是在疫情期間針對亞裔的種族暴力的最新例子。
但調查人員表示,行兇者是一名23歲的葉門男子,他在襲擊前沒有對受害者說過一句話。檢察官認為缺乏足夠的證據來證明種族主義動機。襲擊者被指控謀殺未遂,而不是出於仇恨犯罪。
這一聲明激怒了紐約市的亞裔美國人領袖。他們中的許多人在曼哈頓地區檢察官辦公室外抗議,要求以仇恨犯罪的罪名起訴。他們厭倦了他們眼中的種族主義攻擊被當局忽視。
這次集會反映了對於如何應對暴力侵害亞裔美國人的報導增多,公眾開始了痛苦的討論。每一次新的襲擊都讓亞裔美國人感到越來越脆弱。許多事件要不是沒有逮捕任何人,就是沒有被指控為仇恨犯罪,因此很難用可靠的數據來了解亞裔美國人在多大程度上成為攻擊目標。
在白人男子羅伯特•亞倫•朗(Robert Aaron Long)被控週二晚在亞特蘭大地區的水療中心開槍打死八人(其中包括六名亞裔女性)後,這種不滿情緒本週在全國範圍內爆發。
其他明顯帶有種族動機的事件並沒有導致逮捕。目前警方仍在搜尋一名男子,此人上週在皇后區稱一名亞裔美國母親為「中國病毒」,並向她的孩子吐口水。
在紐約州,要指控此類襲擊為仇恨犯罪,檢察官需要證明受害者是因其種族而成為攻擊目標。
但專家表示,在針對亞裔的攻擊中,證明種族主義動機可能特別困難。沒有一種被廣泛認可的反亞裔仇恨象徵可以對應套索或納粹符號。歷史上,全國各地的許多亞裔犯罪受害者都是被搶劫的小商店業者,這使得動機問題變得更加複雜。
根據紐約州的法律,某些犯罪行為可以升級為仇恨犯罪,從而增加潛在的監禁刑期。作為證據,檢察官經常指出被告充滿仇恨的口頭聲明或社群媒體發文。
僅在過去的一個月中,警方就接到了數起針對亞裔受害者的襲擊報告,其中包括在皇后區一名老年女性被推出一家麵包店。沒有任何事件被指控為仇恨犯罪。
實際上,紐約市今年因反亞裔仇恨罪被起訴的唯一一人是台灣人。他被指控在皇后區的幾家商店外塗鴉反華內容。
社會服務機構華裔美國人規劃委員會(Chinese-American Planning Council)主席韋恩•何(Wayne Ho)表示,他的許多亞裔同事在疫情大流行期間受到了口頭騷擾,但他們選擇不向執法部門報告,因為他們擔心騷擾者(通常是有色人種)可能會受到警方的虐待。
「我問自己,我想讓這個人進監獄嗎?」韋恩•何的同事愛麗絲•黃(Alice Wong)說。「把一個人關進監獄並不會讓他們不再憎恨任何人。」
認識到這一挑戰,一些執法官員呼籲犯下仇恨罪行的人參加反種族歧視課程,以替代坐牢。
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同時也有9部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅GreatKidsLearning,也在其Youtube影片中提到,ㄅㄆㄇ 中文注音符號 拼音範例19 (Traditional Chinese Pinyin Example 19) ㄇ與ㄛ的四聲發音範例 Learning Chinese Characters 其它相關學習影片的播放清單: 英文單字倍增法: https://www.youtube.com/...
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- 關於chinese conversation example 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
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chinese conversation example 在 玳瑚師父 Master Dai Hu Facebook 的最佳解答
【玳瑚師父客人見證】《玳瑚師父好厲害》
The Great Power of Master Dai Hu
文 / 吳女士
Written by: Ms Goh
非常感恩菩薩的慈悲,明明之中通過姐姐的介紹,讓我有機會認識師父。 姐姐介紹我看師父的臉書視頻,也跟我說有機會一定要撥電話給師父。
起初,我第一次看見師父的視頻, 沒有想到師父是那麼的年輕、英俊的師父😍。 心想這位師父這麼年輕,會厲害嗎?
在慢慢的繼續看視頻,讓我越來越想要撥電話給師父,希望師父能幫我改善我的生活。
將近15年來,我的胃因為工作的原因而出現了問題。 這問題看了好幾位醫生都沒法解決,可說是無藥可救。 我的身體就好比住了一隻活貓。 不能控制的,時不時就會發出貓叫聲,不騙你。 有時就像小貓肚子餓找食物的聲音,有時就像大貓要打架的聲音。同事聽了都會開玩笑,還給我取小名為貓貓 "Kitty"。在去年,新上司一聽到就皺眉頭,今年,年頭也因為這怪聲而被罵,哭到我眼睛腫到幾乎不能打開。工作的壓力、身體的問題,讓心情、心靈越來越不好。有時就想拿把刀切開肚子,把那只貓給抓出來。每當想起被罵的那一次,眼淚就不受控制的留下。😭
幾次試著撥電話給師父都打不通。天天在想, 天天心裡祈求,師父幫我。
在8月4日那天,感謝菩薩慈悲,感謝師父給我機會,電話的另一端不是電話錄音,而是師父的慈祥的聲音!我非常的開心,開心到一直在流眼淚,這是極度歡喜的眼淚。❤️
我非常的贊嘆師父的厲害!對於玄學、看八字非常的厲害。 他比我更瞭解我自己。
我對師父說,師父好像裝了閉路電視在我家。 師父所說的句句都對。百發百中!🎯
為師父掌聲鼓勵鼓勵!!👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻
師父說我適合吃西餐、日本餐,什麼餐都好就是不能吃麵條。因為面不適合我的五行。師父怎麼知道😲?我真的幾乎是餐餐都是麵條!因為胃不好,所以我喜歡吃面湯。
自從我聽了師父的話,不再吃麵條,也聽了師父的話,把我20多年的長髮給剪了,還做了一些有益我五行的改變,還有通過念經。
我看到了改變! 最讓我開心的是不用吃藥,跟隨我多年的"貓"病,這兩個多月都沒出現了。😄
就連我的同事也發覺了,說好久沒聽見貓的聲音。似乎已經跑掉了!工作上也比以前順利。心情也比以前平靜了好多💖
真的非常非常感恩師父❤️🙏🏻玳瑚師父988波道給我機會和力量向善向上。❤️
師父真的很棒!真的好厲害!💕👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻
南無阿彌陀佛🙏🏻
———————
I'm very grateful for Bodhisattva's Great Compassion for playing the role of a middleman. Through my Elder Sister, I got to know Master Dai Hu. My Sis encouraged me to look at Master Dai Hu's Facebook’s posts and told me that I should try to make a call to Master Dai Hu.
When I first saw Master Dai Hu's Facebook video, my first impression of Master Dai Hu was, he was so young and handsome-looking. I was thinking in the back of my mind, what great power will he have, for him being so young?
Gradually, after watching many Master Dai Hu's videos, my craving to want to look for Master Dai Hu's help grew greater. I wish that he could help me.
For the past 15 years, I developed gastric issue due to the nature of my work. I had sought help from many doctors but they couldn't seem to cure me. There was literally no cure to my condition. My stomach often involuntary made cat meowing sounds. It wasn't a joke. Even my doctors was puzzled by my sounds. But no treatment and medication could totally cured it. I often laugh and tell people that I swallow a cat alive. And this "cat" is living inside me. The involuntary sounds I made can seem like a small kitten looking for food from its mother. Sometime, it will sound like angry big cats going to engage into a fight. I often got teased by my colleagues. They even gave me a nickname "Kitty".
Things started to get worse this year, after I got transferred to a new department. Although I had explained to my "cat" issue to my new manager, she didn't seem to empathise with my condition. She would frown whenever she heard my meowing sounds. I felt so alien.
In the beginning of this year, there was an incident that happened, I was scolded by a senior for the sound I made. I felt so sad that I cried so bad. Both my eyes swelled until I couldn't even open them the next day. The stress from work and worsening health condition put me on the verge of depression. I was so angry, negative and frustrated with myself. I would often think of taking a knife to cut open my stomach to take that "cat" out of my body. Even till now, whenever I think of the scolding incident that happened, my eyes will well with tears.
After failing to call through Master Dai Hu a couple of times . I pray daily, prayed that one day Master Dai Hu will answer my call for help.
I want to thank Bodhisattva & Master Dai Hu for my wish comes true. On 4th August, the phone call didn't end in voicemail. It was Master Dai Hu's calming voice coming from the other end of the phone. I was so rejoiced! Tears of happiness kept flowing down my cheeks during my conversation with Master Dai Hu.
I am very impressed by the great power of Master Dai Hu. His accuracy in Chinese Metaphysics and Bazi is more than superb! He knows more about me than I know myself. I laughed telling Master Dai Hu, he must have installed CCTV at every corner of my house. Whatever he said, was so right! He deserves more than a round of applause 👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻
Master Dai Hu told me that I'm suitable to eat any types of food, for example western food, Japanese food. All types of food except noodles. Noodles doesn't suit my five elements. I didn't even tell him that due to my stomach issue, I consumed noodle soup almost daily, as it is warm and light to my problematic stomach.
Ever since I adhered to Master Dai Hu's advice, I had stopped eating noodle, cut away my 20+years of long hair and did some changes that suited my five elements, and began reciting the name of Bodhisattva.
I saw changes! Without taking any medication, the "Cat" that lives within me seem to vanish! For more than 2 months! Even my colleagues notice. They said they had not heard my cat cries. I finally behaves normal, Good normal. My work is smoother. My mood seems calmer, peaceful. Life is more positive. I'm really happy. ❤️😇
I'm really very grateful for Master Dai Hu. ❤️
Thank you Master Dai Hu for creating Master Dai Hu Channel 988; for giving me a chance to learn.
chinese conversation example 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【《金融時報》深度長訪】
今年做過數百外媒訪問,若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問,必然是《金融時報》的這一個,沒有之一。
在排山倒海的訪問裡,這位記者能在短短個半小時裡,刻畫得如此傳神,值得睇。
Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.
So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.
He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.
Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.
We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.
The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.
“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.
Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.
That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.
“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”
Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.
The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.
In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.
Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”
And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.
“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.
“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.
Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.
“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.
I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.
“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.
I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”
He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”
The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.
“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.
“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.
After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.
“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.
A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.
I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”
I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.
“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.
While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.
We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.
“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.
“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.
chinese conversation example 在 GreatKidsLearning Youtube 的精選貼文
ㄅㄆㄇ 中文注音符號 拼音範例19 (Traditional Chinese Pinyin Example 19)
ㄇ與ㄛ的四聲發音範例
Learning Chinese Characters
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chinese conversation example 在 GreatKidsLearning Youtube 的精選貼文
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chinese conversation example 在 GreatKidsLearning Youtube 的精選貼文
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ㄅ與ㄛ的四聲發音範例
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