關於 cost of living in shanghai ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Universal Healthcare, gorgeous parks, smooth roads, almost no crime. And.......we pay 3% tax on our income.

"One thing of quick note about incomes is that Taiwan is much more tax friendly.
While a typical entry-level kindergarten teacher in Taipei would likely make less gross income than the equivalent in Beijing/ Shanghai/ Shenzhen, if employers behave legally, the Taipei based one will take home about the same amount of cash without all of the detriments of being in China vs TW (pollution levels of China vs best in Asia, virtually nonexistent system in China vs one of the best in the world, authoritarianism vs functional democracy, etc).
Directly comparing to Ian's numbers (which seem about right in my experience), in Beijing, you'll make ~18k RMB/mo.
However, in Taiwan, foreign worker incomes are taxed 3% by year's end (18% for the first 6 months and the difference is refunded if you are in TW longer). At ¥18k RMB, you're taxed 20% on ¥13k (¥5k tax exempt)
Per month averages over a full year:
Taipei- ~14.25k * 0.97 = 13.8k
Beijing- 5k + 13k * 0.8 = 15.4k.
What will even more clearly paint the picture of $$$ differences will be costs of living. On all of the income-cost elements, Taipei and Beijing are decently comparable to rest of the cities in their countries (Taipei is highly comparable to CN's "Tier 1" cities)"

【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】

美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友（Andrew Nathan）教授最近在《外交事務》（Foreign Affairs）雜誌的專文，值得一看。

黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師，小英總統去哥大演講時，正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴，黎安友也是座上賓。

這篇文章的標題是：「中國如何看待香港危機：北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。

文章很長，而且用英文寫，需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。

Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎，是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位，我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。

這篇文章，是在回答一個疑問：中共為何在香港事件如此自制？有人說是怕西方譴責，有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。

都不是。這篇文章認為，上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。

無論你多痛恨中共，你都必須真實面對你的敵人。

中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的，當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在，中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。

文章有一句話：“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。

中共一點都不焦慮。相反地，中共很有自信，香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體，到最後會支持中共。

這個分化的心理基礎，來自經濟上的利益。

文中還提到，鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制，就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。

1997年，香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年，這個比例降到2.8%。

今日的香港經濟，在中共的評估，是香港需要中國，而不是中國需要香港。

中共正在在意的，是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價，在過去十年內三倍翻漲。

文章是這樣描述：
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”

無論你同不同意這些說法，都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。

有趣的是，黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源（但他並沒有加上個人評論），部分是他自己的觀察。

#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball

新書：《 我在外交部工作 》

**

黎安友原文：

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4

How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint

By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019

Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.

Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.

But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.

Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.

This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”

ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS

Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.

But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.

Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.

At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.

Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.

Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.

IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS

The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.

Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.

Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.

CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?

As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.

Taiwan is increasingly becoming a place to have an APAC headquarters, or the base for many startups.

From recent high class founders and VC's at Slush Shanghai: "We have a company from Hong Kong that’s having difficulty hiring a local developer in Hong Kong, so they expanded to Taiwan to find the developer there. I had six portfolio companies who just expanded to Taiwan, so I connected them to share the information."

Abundant tech talent, high quality and low cost of living, Taiwan is the place you're going to wish you had visited earlier. Find your opportunity in the growing ecosystem with us! Find out more @ anchortaiwan.com

#anchortaiwan #30daysofpossibilities #beasiaready

我老婆的大伯真的是一位又有趣又可爱的上海退休人士，今天我带你们体验一下他每天是怎么过得！这期全程高能，笑死我了?

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为了更多更优质的视频欢迎大家加入阿福大家庭：https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC689uDf0ryZniKpuSK9ESTw/join
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你们喜欢看看文化不同吗？你们喜欢旅游？喜欢世界各地的美食？你们想了解老外在中国的生活吗？你们对外国文化感兴趣吗？那你们没走错地方了！欢迎订阅我的频道！

我叫阿福Thomas，我是一枚生活在中国上海的德国人。我会在中国，欧洲，德国各地拍各种各样的视频。如果你们喜欢看世界各地美景，美食和人文，那你们肯定会喜欢看我的视频。
我在德国出生，从小我父母就喜欢带我去旅游，我欧洲，美国，澳洲，非洲和亚洲都去过了。认识了我中国老婆以后我就搬到上海了。
现在德国和中国两边跑！

希望你们可以通过我的视频学到新的东西，可以快乐，可以开心！

我的 Instagram https://www.instagram.com/afuthomas/
工作邮箱：info@afuchina.net
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? 我最爱的一个视频！https://youtu.be/e3ID4qONNiM
? 我最新的视频！https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rJcfIwQln8&list=UU689uDf0ryZniKpuSK9ESTw
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我的德文书（德国）：https://www.amazon.de/dp/3453605004/
我的德文书的电子版（美国）：https://amzn.to/36JTHb0
我的电脑（用了三年了，真的超好用）：https://amzn.to/2uo4DgM
我用Final Cut Pro剪辑我的视频，用Windows系统的人一般都会用Premiere。
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哈囉我是烏鴉太太

搬來上海 將近兩年的時間, 居住在上海徐匯區 , 這裡是我最喜歡的上海生活區域, 希望能在這裡與你們分享忙碌生活中的平淡小幸福

Hi,

I am Mrs. Raven, I moved to Shanghai with my husband about two years ago. Being a wife, a healthy work-life is my top priority now, and I'd loved to share my leisure moment and how I maintain my little happiness with you. Hope you enjoy the film and if you have any secret of your life, please also share with me!


#上海vlog #生活費 #夫妻日常 #shanghai #shanghaivlog #lifestyle #brunch #coupleslife


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上海应该算是中国生活成本最高的一个城市，
我就挑战了一下一天只花10元菜市场和超市里都能买到哪些东西？最后一天我还订了外卖！

大家记得订阅哦 Please subscribe! https://goo.gl/yp7i1g
为了更多更优质的视频欢迎大家加入阿福大家庭：https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC689uDf0ryZniKpuSK9ESTw/join
▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬

你们喜欢看看文化不同吗？你们喜欢旅游？喜欢世界各地的美食？你们想了解老外在中国的生活吗？你们对外国文化感兴趣吗？那你们没走错地方了！欢迎订阅我的频道！

我叫阿福Thomas，我是一枚生活在中国上海的德国人。我会在中国，欧洲，德国各地拍各种各样的视频。如果你们喜欢看世界各地美景，美食和人文，那你们肯定会喜欢看我的视频。
我在德国出生，从小我父母就喜欢带我去旅游，我欧洲，美国，澳洲，非洲和亚洲都去过了。认识了我中国老婆以后我就搬到上海了。
现在德国和中国两边跑！

希望你们可以通过我的视频学到新的东西，可以快乐，可以开心！

我的 Instagram https://www.instagram.com/afuthomas/
工作邮箱：info@afuchina.net
▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬

? 我最爱的一个视频！https://youtu.be/e3ID4qONNiM
? 我最新的视频！https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rJcfIwQln8&list=UU689uDf0ryZniKpuSK9ESTw
▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬

我的德文书（德国）：https://www.amazon.de/dp/3453605004/
我的德文书的电子版（美国）：https://amzn.to/36JTHb0
我的电脑（用了三年了，真的超好用）：https://amzn.to/2uo4DgM
我用Final Cut Pro剪辑我的视频，用Windows系统的人一般都会用Premiere。
我的照相机：https://amzn.to/2tPG4sq
我的小镜头：https://amzn.to/3bpGZRt
我的大镜头：https://amzn.to/2UEZQly
小的三脚架：https://amzn.to/38dhcKt
大的三脚架：https://amzn.to/37af0ll
我的硬盘（到目前为止用下来最好用的）：https://amzn.to/2HlLBdP
我们家里用的俄罗斯饺子神器：https://amzn.to/2Nnhiql
我的温柔太阳闹钟：https://amzn.to/2OH318D
我的音乐都是从这里来的：https://www.epidemicsound.com/referral/g94o4d/