關於 equation中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

無嘢搵嘢做先係皇道🤩⁣
好多同學都逼自己由 equation 方程式嘅一邊，直接做到另一邊，其實不必要💁🏻‍♂️ Marking Scheme 通常係咁寫，但你要拎滿分，係唔需要跟足！⁣
尤其係 Trigonometric 三角比嘅嘢，喺有限嘅考試時間裏面，好容易無靈感就係無靈感🤯⁣
所以更加實際嘅方法係：無嘢搵嘢做！「PRO」啲咁講，就係用人類最偉大嘅智慧——Trial and Error。⁣
左邊做啲嘢，右邊又做啲嘢，一個唔覺意做到差唔多，就接合佢哋。⁣
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具體啲咁講👇🏻⁣
我打個比喻，若然你要證明一個山洞嘅其中兩個入口係互通嘅，你唔一定要由 Exit A 一口氣穿去 Exit B 出返嚟，或者由 Exit B 一口氣穿去 Exit A 出返嚟。⁣
另一個方法就係，由 Exit A 行入去，行到咁上吓留個記號，然後沿回頭路走，再由Exit B 行入去。行到見得返個記號，已經足夠證明 Exit A 同 B 係互通🚶🏻！⁣
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#M2技巧王 幫你避開考評陷阱，教你搶分技巧；M2 輕鬆攞 Lv 5+ 喇🌟⁣
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🎲賭Sir｜高階數學考試專家⁣
⁣
🎓21 項數學公開試．以一 Take 過考取完美戰績⁣
⁣
DSE：Math+M1+M2【5**】⁣
CE & AL：Math+A.Math+Pure+Applied【A】⁣
IAL：C12+C34+F1+F2+F3+M1+M2+M3+S1+S2+S3+D1【A】⁣
IGCSE：Mathematics+Further Pure Mathematics 【9】⁣
⁣
🖥最高人氣補習網紅‧貼地教數別樹一格⁣
⁣
頻道 #杜氏數學 2016 年創辦，訂閱 65,000+，多條教學影片點擊 100,000+；2018 年獲出版社邀請，撰寫暢銷書《5**數學男人嫁得過》推廣「聰明應試」理念，並鼓勵年青人堅守自信。⁣
⁣
🧠以心理學、高效學習融入補習教育當中⁣
⁣
從中文大學風險管理學士畢業之後，鑽研超速學習法（Ultralearning）及教育心理學，將高效學方法先行用於自己身上，無間斷學習新知識；四年後重返校園，完成中文大學數學碩士（大數據分析）課程，期間考入門薩學會（Mensa），實證超速學習法。⁣
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🏆座右銘⁣
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好多人以為自己因為對數學無興趣，所以數學低分；事實剛好相反：因為自己數學低分，所以對數學無興趣。試諗下，若然你有歌神嘅聲線，你仲會對唱歌無興趣嗎？⁣
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#數學 #DSE #dser #math #maths #afterschool #dsemath #examskills #mathtutor #followme #2022DSE #2023DSE #2024DSE #tutor #mathtutor #DSEfighter #tutotial ⁣

唔好再中伏喇！😫⁣
上次出咗個 post 講 3D vector 平面嘅面向，即係 normal 嘅概念，有同學喺下面留言，提醒我 2022年嘅新 syllabus cut 走咗 normal，其實我有三個重點想講：⁣
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1️⃣ 話 syllabus cut 走咗 normal 嘅人，只係講緊 equation of tangent 嗰課，唔係講緊 vector🙅🏻‍♂️⁣
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2️⃣ 喺 vector 題目考你 normal 嘅概念，從來唔需要 normal 呢隻字，因為 cross product 已經出normal🤕⁣
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3️⃣ M2 係數學延伸，考你 syllabus 以外嘅嘢，已經試過幾次😵 除非喺 syllabus 嘅 remarks 寫明 "not required”，否則，從 syllabus 拎走，唔代表唔再考⁣
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結論：一個人如何接收資訊，斷定呢個人將會成為一個如何嘅人。若然接受自己以訛傳訛，就會注定成為一個好粗疏嘅人😕⁣
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以下為懺悔👇🏻⁣
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前排有學生問我，點解 2020 年數學 core 攞 3 同攞 4 嘅 cutoff 只係差 1 分？我信咗一日...直至我上網查返資訊來源，先發現原來係打資料嘅人登錯🤯 我非常慚愧，因為原來只要我撳多一個掣，就 fact check 到，但我最初完全無呢個衝動😔 共勉之！⁣
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#M2技巧王 幫你避開考評陷阱，教你搶分技巧；M2 輕鬆攞 Lv 5+ 喇🌟⁣
⁣
------------⁣
🎲賭Sir｜高階數學考試專家⁣
⁣
🎓21 項數學公開試．以一 Take 過考取完美戰績⁣
⁣
DSE：Math+M1+M2【5**】⁣
CE & AL：Math+A.Math+Pure+Applied【A】⁣
IAL：C12+C34+F1+F2+F3+M1+M2+M3+S1+S2+S3+D1【A】⁣
IGCSE：Mathematics+Further Pure Mathematics 【9】⁣
⁣
🖥最高人氣補習網紅‧貼地教數別樹一格⁣
⁣
頻道 #杜氏數學 2016 年創辦，訂閱 65,000+，多條教學影片點擊 100,000+；2018 年獲出版社邀請，撰寫暢銷書《5**數學男人嫁得過》推廣「聰明應試」理念，並鼓勵年青人堅守自信。⁣
⁣
🧠以心理學、高效學習融入補習教育當中⁣
⁣
從中文大學風險管理學士畢業之後，鑽研超速學習法（Ultralearning）及教育心理學，將高效學方法先行用於自己身上，無間斷學習新知識；四年後重返校園，完成中文大學數學碩士（大數據分析）課程，期間考入門薩學會（Mensa），實證超速學習法。⁣
⁣
🏆座右銘⁣
⁣
好多人以為自己因為對數學無興趣，所以數學低分；事實剛好相反：因為自己數學低分，所以對數學無興趣。試諗下，若然你有歌神嘅聲線，你仲會對唱歌無興趣嗎？⁣
⁣
------------⁣
#數學 #DSE #dser #math #maths #afterschool #dsemath #examskills #mathtutor #followme #2024DSE #2022DSE #2023DSE #tutor #mathtutor #DSEfighter #tutotial

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

?賭Sir 幫你急救 DSE 數學： http://www.HermanToMath.com
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?️賭Sir是杜氏數學Herman To Math的始創人
?全港唯一「完爆」【DSE Core+M1+M2】、【IAL 12科Maths】、【AL Pure+Applied】、【CE Maths+A.Maths】的數學導師
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?YouTube觀看次數超越700萬、訂閱粉絲超過70000人
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? 中文大學 數學碩士畢業（Big Data stream）
? 中文大學 風險管理學士畢業
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?流行文學作家，出版著作：
《賭馬男人嫁得過》?（2020）
《YouTuber新手到網紅》?（2019、2020再版增訂本）
《5**數學男人嫁得過》?（2019）
《碌葛男人嫁得過》?（2018）
《賭波男人嫁得過》?（2018、同年再版）
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賭Sir考試戰績:

新制中六DSE: (2016 M2 + 2017 M1)
?數學必修 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M1 (Calculus and Statistics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M2 (Algebra and Calculus) 一take過 奪5**

國際高考International Advanced Level: (2017 + 2018)
?Core Math 1 2 一take過 奪A
?Core Math 3 4 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 1 一take過 奪A
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?Decision Math 1 一take過 奪A

舊制中七高考: (2011)
?純粹數學 (Pure Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?應用數學 (Applied Mathematics) 一take過 奪A

舊制中五會考: (2009)
?數學 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?附加數學 (Additional Mathematics) 一take過 奪A

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?賭Sir 幫你急救 DSE 數學： http://www.HermanToMath.com
----------
?️賭Sir是杜氏數學Herman To Math的始創人
?全港唯一「完爆」【DSE Core+M1+M2】、【IAL 12科Maths】、【AL Pure+Applied】、【CE Maths+A.Maths】的數學導師
?全港第一最多訂閱粉絲的數學教育YouTuber
?YouTube觀看次數超越700萬、訂閱粉絲超過60000人
----------
? Mensa Club member
? 中文大學 數學碩士畢業（Big Data stream）
? 中文大學 風險管理學士畢業
----------
?流行文學作家，出版著作：
《賭馬男人嫁得過》?（2020）
《YouTuber新手到網紅》?（2019、2020再版增訂本）
《5**數學男人嫁得過》?（2019）
《碌葛男人嫁得過》?（2018）
《賭波男人嫁得過》?（2018、同年再版）
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賭Sir考試戰績:

新制中六DSE: (2016 M2 + 2017 M1)
?數學必修 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M1 (Calculus and Statistics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M2 (Algebra and Calculus) 一take過 奪5**

國際高考International Advanced Level: (2017 + 2018)
?Core Math 1 2 一take過 奪A
?Core Math 3 4 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 1 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 2 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 3 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 1 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 2 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 3 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 1 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 2 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 3 一take過 奪A
?Decision Math 1 一take過 奪A

舊制中七高考: (2011)
?純粹數學 (Pure Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?應用數學 (Applied Mathematics) 一take過 奪A

舊制中五會考: (2009)
?數學 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?附加數學 (Additional Mathematics) 一take過 奪A

#未來半年會每周出神技片 #直至DSE2021 #記得訂閱同分享

?杜氏數學 官方網站： http://www.HermanToMath.com
?賭Sir 幫你急救 DSE 數學： https://hermantomath.skx.io/courses/6328693527937024
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賭Sir語錄?準備考試 要熟到潛意識自動計啱
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⚡快速跳播目錄：
01:17 ?變換主項踢波大法?
02:13 ?天平法逢做必啱技巧?
05:56 ?左右互搏例題再示範?
08:46 ?PastPaper穩奪3分示範?
10:43 ?樣衰公式聰明拆法?
12:23 ?解Equation零careless妙法?
14:48 ?解方程屈計數機大法?
16:57 ?畫公仔破題秘技?
19:04 ?公式代入zero error技巧?
21:27 ?賭Sir門生傳授變換主項獨門秘訣?
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?️賭Sir是杜氏數學Herman To Math的始創人
?全港唯一「完爆」【DSE Core+M1+M2】、【IAL 12科Maths】、【AL Pure+Applied】、【CE Maths+A.Maths】的數學導師
?全港第一最多訂閱粉絲的數學教育YouTuber
?YouTube觀看次數超越700萬、訂閱粉絲超過50000人
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? Mensa Club member
? 中文大學 數學碩士畢業（Big Data stream）
? 中文大學 風險管理學士畢業
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?流行文學作家，出版著作：
《賭波男人嫁得過》?（2018）
《碌葛男人嫁得過》?（2018）
《5**數學男人嫁得過》?（2019）
《YouTuber新手到網紅》?（2019）
《賭馬男人嫁得過》?（2020）
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?YouTuber Go網絡課程 全港最平+獨家 報讀優惠：
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?無限操數王(epractice) 全港最平+獨家 優惠(可同時使用)：
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賭Sir考試戰績:

新制中六DSE: (2016 M2 + 2017 M1)
?數學必修 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M1 (Calculus and Statistics) 一take過 奪5**
?數學延伸M2 (Algebra and Calculus) 一take過 奪5**

國際高考International Advanced Level: (2017 + 2018)
?Core Math 1 2 一take過 奪A
?Core Math 3 4 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 1 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 2 一take過 奪A
?Further Pure Math 3 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 1 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 2 一take過 奪A
?Mechanics 3 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 1 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 2 一take過 奪A
?Statistics 3 一take過 奪A
?Decision Math 1 一take過 奪A

舊制中七高考: (2011)
?純粹數學 (Pure Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?應用數學 (Applied Mathematics) 一take過 奪A

舊制中五會考: (2009)
?數學 (Mathematics) 一take過 奪A
?附加數學 (Additional Mathematics) 一take過 奪A