翻轉視界 18 Changing Perspective
There's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.
通往目的地的路不止一條,有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步,然後再邁出下一步,幾年下來,將會成為巨大成就。
文章來自於New Humans of Australia (有取得授權)
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I didn’t meet my father until I was 6 years old. My parents had a comfortable, middle-class life in Shanghai, or as close as you could get under communism. But they always wanted to live overseas, and just before I was born, my dad came to Sydney to set things up. I don’t know why, but in the end, my mother and I didn’t join him until I was 6.
•a middle-class life 中產階級生活
•set things up 打點一切
•live overseas 往海外生活
•in the end 最後 (表達在經過一段時間或一連串事件之後的結果)
直到六歲前我都未曾見過父親。我的雙親在上海過著舒適的中產階級生活,或著說,在共產階級下所能得到的最接近的生活。他們一直響往海外生活,就在我出生前,我父親來到雪梨打點一切。但不知何故,直到六歲那年我與母親才終於與父親團聚。
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Unfortunately, half a year after we arrived, he left us. That was a huge shock. Our transition had already been quite difficult, as we both didn't speak English. Also, as Shanghai was such a big bustling city, Sydney felt a bit like the countryside, especially on the weekends, as no shops were open back then!
•shock 令人震驚的事件(或經歷);驚愕,震驚 (come as a great shock 讓人倍感震驚)
•transition 轉變;過渡
•a bustling city 繁華都會
不幸的是,就在我跟母親抵達半年後,父親離開了我們。這是個巨大的打擊,因爲我們不會說英文,在適應過渡期本就已過得相當艱辛。此外,不同於上海的繁華都會,雪梨更像鄉下,尤其在週末,那時連商店都不開門。
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We were very much reliant on my dad, not only financially, but also as a conduit into the wider community. So to have that broken was quite distressing. I remember Mum crying a lot. As we had become socially isolated, we didn’t find out anything about Centrelink, so we survived on her savings for a while, and then got some help from her family back in China.
•be reliant on… 依賴...
•a conduit into 進入...的渠道
•distressing (adj.) 令人苦惱的,令人擔憂的
•become socially isolated 變得孤立於社會
•survive on her savings 僅靠的她積蓄過日子
我們相當依賴我父親,不僅是經濟,他也是我們進入更廣泛社區的渠道。因此,當局面被打破時令人相當痛苦,我還記得母親時常哭泣。由於我們孤立於社會,所以我們並不知道澳洲社會福利聯絡中心 (Centrelink)的任何資訊,僅靠母親的積蓄支撐了一段時間,然後從母親在中國的娘家得到一些幫助。
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Eventually, Mum moved us down to Melbourne, where we were able to make some new networks and family friendships. But I was bullied a bit at school about things like my food and clothing! Whenever someone bullied me, I would defend myself, but because I didn’t have the language skills to explain to the teacher why, I got in trouble quite a bit. I ended up having to move school 3 times before I came to Balwyn Primary School, which was relatively multicultural.
•be able to 能夠
•make new networks 建立新的人脈,關係網
•be bullied 被霸凌
•language skills 語言能力
•get in trouble 惹上麻煩
•end up 最後處於;最後成爲;以…告終
•relatively 相對地
•multicultural 多元文化的
最後,母親帶著我搬遷到墨爾本,在那我們能夠建立起新的網絡與家庭情誼。然而。我在學校飽受霸凌,例如我的食物及衣物。每當有人霸凌我,我會自我防衛,但我的語言技巧不足以向老師解釋事發原因,因此常常陷入麻煩。後來我不得不再三轉學,直到就讀相對多元文化的博文小學(Balwyn Primary School)。
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After that, I did alright. Music featured very prominently in my life. I had started learning the violin from the age of 2.5 years old and even with all the troubles that were going on in my life, had somehow still kept up with it. As a result, I got a music scholarship to Trinity Grammar School. But even there I used to get into quite a lot of mischief, and would often skip school to go to the movies.
•do alight 過得不錯,做的不錯
•feature (v.) 以…為特色;給…以顯著的地位
•prominently 重要地;著名地;突出地,顯眼地
之後,我便過得不錯。音樂在我生活中佔有重要的一席之地,我從兩歲半開始學習小提琴,儘管生活中事事不如意,我依然堅持不輟。因此,我獲得三一文法學校( Trinity Grammar School)的音樂獎學金。但即使在那,我也常惡作劇、逃學看電影。
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By the end of year 11, I was told I would have to either repeat the year, or consider going to another school, which was quite humiliating for my mum. I decided to move school and surprisingly, I ended up doing quite well in year 12! As a result, I ended up getting into a double degree in Law and Music at Monash.
•repeat the year 留級 ; 重唸一年
•humiliating 令人感到恥辱的,丟臉的
11年級結束時,我被告知要麽被留級,要麼考慮轉學,這對我母親來說相當丟人。我決定轉學,而令人驚訝的是,我在12年級的時候表現優異,最後錄取蒙納士大學法律與音樂雙學位。
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When I started, my first thought was that I didn’t belong because I had done so badly in school up to year 11 and everyone else seemed so smart. But I put my head down, got through it, and ended up getting a job in the legal department of a major manufacturing company, which was a different approach to what most law students do.
•do not belong 不屬於這
•put my head down 埋頭苦幹
•the legal department of ...的法律部門
•a different approach 不同途徑
•approach (思考問題的)方式,方法,態度
當我開始進入大學,最初的想法是我不屬於這,因為我在11年級前都表現不佳,而這裡的人似乎都聰明絕頂。但我埋頭苦幹,咬牙撐過,最後在一家大型製造公司的法律部門找到工作,這與多數法律系學生的途徑不同。
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I really enjoyed it. It was hard work, but I learned a lot of foundational business, legal and corporate communication skills. After that I worked in corporate governance in RMIT, then started to moonlight as a lecturer in the Law Faculty. Eventually, they asked me if I wanted to do a PhD and I blindly said yes! I next worked at Swinburne University, and then was head-hunted to lead the corporate legal team at the Commercial Passenger Vehicles Commission.
•foundational 基礎的
•communication skills 溝通技巧
•corporate governance
•moonlight (v.) (尤指瞞著僱主)從事第二職業,兼職
•headhunt (v.) 物色(人才); 挖角
•legal team 法律團隊
我非常喜歡這份工作,這是份辛苦的工作,但我學習了很多基礎商業、法律以及公司溝通技巧。之後我在皇家墨爾本理工大學( RMIT)從事公司治理工作,並開始兼職擔任法律系講師。後來他們問我是否想要讀博士,我便盲目地答應了。接下來,我在斯威本大學(Swinburne University)工作,再被挖角到商用小客車委員會領導法律團隊。
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I had a good life, but after a while, I realised I wanted a different kind of job. I could see my seniors were making a lot of money but that their family life was not that good. And looking at my own upbringing, I wanted to be the kind of father who could be present in my own kids’ lives. So I decided on dentistry. It would not only allow me to use the hand skills that I had developed from playing the violin, but also the analytical and reasoning skills that I'd developed in law. Plus it would be flexible, and offer me a stable income and the chance to meet different people every day!
•upbringing 教養
•decide on sth 決定某事或東西
•analytical and reasoning skills 分析和推理能力
•offer a stable income 提供穩定收入
我的生活很不錯,但一段時間後,我意識到自己想要一份不同的工作。我知道前輩們賺了很多錢,但他們的家庭生活並不美滿。看著自己的成長經歷,我想要成為可以在孩子生活中出席的父親,所以我決定改行當牙醫。這項職業能讓我使用從拉小提琴中發展出的手部技巧,也能運用我在法律中發展出的分析與推理技能。此外,這個職業相當靈活,能為我提供穩定收入,並有機會每天與不同的人見面。
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My now fiancée, who was my girlfriend at the time, was also applying for further study, and coincidentally we both got into university in South Australia, so we moved to Adelaide together a few years ago.
•fiancée 未婚妻
•at the time 當時
•apply for 申請
•further study 繼續教育,進修;進一步研究;深造
•coincidentally 碰巧地;巧合地
我的未婚妻,當時的女友,也申請繼續深造,巧的是我們都考上南澳大學(University of South Australia),所以幾年前一起搬到阿得雷德( Adelaide)。
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I was lucky to get a university job at Flinders University. Initially, I started out as a casual lecturer in the law school, but I’ve since transitioned into teaching health law and research, and I’m currently writing a few books on the intersection between law and medicine. And also, obviously, trying to finish my dentistry degree!
•start out as… 起初擔任...
•transition into… 轉變到...
我很幸運的在福林德斯大學(Flinders University)找到工作,起初我在法學院擔任臨時講師,但我後來轉換到醫事法教學及研究。目前我正撰寫幾本關於法律與醫學相接的書籍,並努力完成我的牙醫學位。
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Mum eventually retrained as a Chinese high school teacher, and she’s still teaching to this day. Like most first generation migrants, she struggled quite a lot, and invested heavily in my success. After we’re married, my fiancée and I are planning to have children, and I’m sure they will have it much easier than I did.
•retrain 重新培養;再培訓;再訓練
•to this day 至今
•first generation migrants 第一代移民
•struggle a lot 掙扎奮鬥許久
•have it much easier 過的比較輕鬆
我的母親最終重新接受培訓,成為一名中文高中老師並執教至今。如同大多數第一代移民,她掙扎奮鬥許久,並為我的成功投資甚多。我與未婚妻打算婚後生孩子,我確信孩子會過的比我輕鬆得多。
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Still, a lot of the failures that I’ve had in my life have really informed a lot of my successes. Looking back, I wouldn't really want to change that to have a smoother life.
•inform [正式] 影響某人的態度或意見
https://www.ldoceonline.com/dictionary/inform
•have a smoother life 有一個更順遂的人生
我的生活中的種種失敗確實為我的成功提供借鑑。回首過去,我不會想要改變那些坎坷經歷去擁有一個更順遂的人生。
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Over the years, I've learned that perseverance is very important. I hope that through telling my story, I can be an example to others who might be in a similar position as I was: to show that there's not just one road to the destination, but many roads. You just need to take the little step that’s right in front of you, and then the next one, and a few years down the track, they will seem like massive achievements.
•over the years 多年來
•perseverance 不屈不撓,堅持不懈
•be an example 成為榜樣
•be in a similar position 處於相似的處境
•down the road/line/track 將來(的路)
多年來,我學到堅持不懈是至關重要的。我希望透過講述自己的故事,能成為其他可能與我有相似處境的人的榜樣:向他們展示通往目的地的路不止一條,有很多路可走。你只需要邁出眼前這一小步,然後再邁出下一步,幾年下來,將會成為巨大成就。
有興趣的同學可以支持New Humans of Australia
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Photographer: Paul Heinrich instagram.com/paulfheinrich
文章與圖片出處: https://bit.ly/2XJsciq
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翻轉視界: http://bit.ly/3fPvKUs
批判性思考問題大全: http://bit.ly/34rdtJ7
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過13萬的網紅コペル英会話,也在其Youtube影片中提到,日本人のためのリスニング、発音、英文法の第一人者、イムランが贈る英会話レッスン動画です。mixiコミュニティー10万人、メルマガ読者2万人、そして麻布十番に英会話スクールを構えるイムランの英会話レッスンは初心者が短期間で上達するための教え方が高く評価されています。 イムランに習えば他から習う必...
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There’s rhythm in writing! 🎶
這個禮拜Presentality的Andrew來分享英文寫作的節奏!
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我的工作需要看非常多的英文。
其中有英文母語的人寫的,也有非母語的人寫的。最近,我注意到一個兩者之間很明顯的差別。這個差別很少有人提到,因為它無關文法正確,也不是有學問的用語,或是文雅的詞彙。
是句子的長短。
Well,更正確的來說,是長句跟短句的交錯。我發現,非母語人士寫的英文句子,不但比英文母語的人寫的長,而且是大部分句子都很長。
母語的人,尤其是很會寫的人,則是會把長句跟短句混合搭配。
那又怎樣?
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你可能會說 ok,以英文為母語的人比較會用短的句子,那又怎樣?句子的長短,跟我寫作的好壞,有關嗎?
關係可大了。
就像音樂,或是影片,文字也是「內容」。只要是「內容」,就有它的節奏。你可以想像一首曲子,從頭到尾都是很長的音,而且一點變化都沒有嗎?或是一部很長的影片,從頭到尾都是很長的畫面,而且一點節奏的變化都沒有嗎?
Well actually,你應該可以想像,這些就是要幫助我們睡眠的。
如果你不想要你的讀者覺得無聊或甚至睡著,我建議適度變換你文字的節奏。
但我們先看案例。
我拿一篇台灣人寫的文,跟另一篇美國人寫的,來做比較:把每個句子都分拆成不同的段落,句子的長短就一目了然了。
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但我們先看案例。
我拿一篇台灣人寫的文,跟另一篇美國人寫的,來做比較:把每個句子都分拆成不同的段落,句子的長短就一目了然了。
📌 台灣案例:Taipei Times Opinion
1. The TAIEX last month rose above 17,000 points as rallies in steel, shipping and some non-tech stocks offset a weakness in semiconductor and electronics stocks.
2. While news about a cluster of local COVID-19 infections connected with China Airlines cargo pilots and a hotel in Taoyuan fueled selling pressure early this month and pushed the local stock market into consolidation mode, the daily market turnover in the first two trading sessions of this month hit fresh highs.
3. Moreover, Taiwan’s stock trading volume last month began to surpass that of Hong Kong for the first time in 15 years, which was beyond most market participants’ expectations.
4. Taiwan’s daily market turnover exceeding Hong Kong’s might gradually become a new normal from this year, and there are good reasons for this.
5. First, Hong Kong’s stock market has lost its appeal to foreign investors since China last year imposed national security legislation on the territory, triggering a potential flight of capital and talent.
6. Second, many wealthy Taiwanese tend to park their overseas funds in Hong Kong, China, Singapore, Switzerland and the US, but government statistics showed that more than 80 percent of funds repatriated by wealthy individuals last year were from Hong Kong, as they saw the political situation in the territory worsen after its self-governance, human rights and freedom of speech were further suppressed.
7. Third, China’s new NASDAQ-style stock board — the Shanghai Stock Exchange’s STAR board — has emerged as a fast-growing capital markets center for Chinese companies at a time when rising China-US tensions have triggered concerns about their prospects of listing in New York, posing a growing challenge to the Hong Kong stock exchange.
8. On the other hand, Taiwan’s economic fundamentals, the central bank’s adoption of extraordinary monetary easing and the government’s fiscal policies have fueled continued rallies in the nation’s stock market since last year.
9. It might be too early to tell how long the consolidation trend might last, as a resurgent COVID-19 outbreak is coloring the global economic outlook, but some insight can be drawn from the stock market:
10. Taiwan’s GDP grew a larger-than-expected 8.16 percent in the first quarter, as exports and private investment remained healthy.
都是一堆很長的句子對不對?我們來看美國人寫的句子,也是一個主流媒體的 opinion 文。
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📌 美國案例:New York Times Opinion
1. I miss torturing Liz Cheney.
2. But it must be said that the petite blonde from Wyoming suddenly seems like a Valkyrie amid halflings.
3. She is willing to sacrifice her leadership post — and risk her political career — to continue calling out Donald Trump’s Big Lie.
4. She has decided that, if the price of her job is being as unctuous to Trump as Kevin McCarthy is, it isn’t worth it, because McCarthy is totally disgracing himself.
5. It has been a dizzying fall for the scion of one of the most powerful political families in the land, a conservative chip off the old block who was once talked about as a comer, someone who could be the first woman president.
6. How naïve I was to think that Republicans would be eager to change the channel after Trump cost them the Senate and the White House and unleashed a mob on them.
7. I thought the Donald would evaporate in a poof of orange smoke, ending a supremely screwed-up period of history.
8. But the loudest mouth is not shutting up.
9. And Republicans continue to listen, clinging to the idea that the dinosaur is the future.
10. “We can’t grow without him,” Lindsey Graham said.
📌 Note: 即使是比較長的句子,這位作者也會用標點符號拆散它:She is willing to sacrifice her leadership post — and risk her political career — to continue calling out Donald Trump’s Big Lie. 這就好比用句點一樣,讓我們讀起來有點停頓休息的時間。
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📌 注意到了嗎?
台灣人寫的英文,句子都偏長,而且長度都差不多。
美國人寫的就不一樣了:一個只有五個字的句子開頭,然後一堆稍微長一點的句子,然後再來一串短句。
你可能懷疑我故意挑選很極端了例子出來,而且幹嘛專門打台灣人呢?
所以想到這裡,我從我的書架上,隨便挑了兩本跟科技有關的書出來。左邊的,是美國人,矽谷知名投資人 Peter Thiel。右邊的是德國人,但注意了,是一個英文非常好的德國人。他不但是世界經濟論壇的創辦人,研究所也是在哈佛大學唸的。
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📌 兩本書 Introduction 是怎麼寫的?
Klaus Schwab (德國):
Of the many diverse and fascinating challenges we face today, the most intense and important is how to understand and shape the new technology revolution, which entails nothing less than a transformation of humankind.
We are at the beginning of a revolution that is fundamentally changing the way we live, work, and relate to one another.
In its scale, scope and complexity, what I consider to be the fourth industrial revolution is unlike anything humankind has experienced before.
Peter Thiel (美國):
Whenever I interview someone for a job, I like to ask this question: "What important truth do very few people agree with you on?"
The question sounds easy because it's straightforward.
Actually, it's very hard to answer.
It's intellectually difficult because the knowledge that everyone is taught in school is by definition agreed upon.
See the difference?
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📌 如何變換節奏呢?
需要Andrew的完整分享請留言「There’s rhythm in writing~」。
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i thought you were文法 在 吳文遠 Avery Ng Facebook 的最佳解答
黃浩銘:
//法官閣下,我能夠參與雨傘運動,爭取民主,實是毫無悔意,畢生榮幸。我已花了最青春的10年在社會運動上,假若我有80歲,我仍有50年可以與港人同行,繼續奮鬥。要是法官不信,且即管以刑罰來考驗我的意志,試煉我的決心,希望我的戰友們在我囚禁的時候,可以激發愛心,勉勵行善,更加有勇氣和力量作個真誠的人對抗謊言治國的中共政權。
「希望在於人民,改變始於抗爭」,唯有透過群眾力量,直接行動,才能改變社會。8年前如是,今日亦如是。但願港人堅定不移,爭取民主,打倒特權,彰顯公義。自由萬歲!民主社會主義萬歲!願公義和慈愛的 主耶穌基督與我同在,與法官先生同在,與香港人同在!//
希望在於人民 改變始於抗爭
—雨傘運動公眾妨擾案陳情書
陳法官仲衡閣下:
自2011年你審理只有23歲的我,追問時任特首曾蔭權知否米貴涉擾亂公眾秩序的案件距今已有8年。在命運的安排下,我再次站在你面前,只是當你讀到這封陳情書的時候,我已經不是當年被你宣判無罪釋放的年青人,而是一個準備迎接第三次入獄的積犯。然而,今天我不是尋求你的憐憫,而是希望道明我參與雨傘運動,公民抗命的緣由,讓法官閣下可以從我的動機及行為來給予合理判刑。
8年以來,我們的崗位稍有轉變,但香港的變化更大,充滿爭議的各個大白象基建均已落成,更多旅客走訪社區,似是一片繁華景象,但同時,更多窮人住在劏房,更多群眾走上街頭,亦有更多我們愛惜的年青人進入監牢。從前我們認為香港不會發生的事,都一一在這8年間發生了。當我8年前站在你面前那一刻,我們都不會想像得到香港人可被挾持返大陸,亦想像不到原來有一天大陸的執法人員可在香港某地方正當執法,更想像不到中共政府除了透過人大釋法外,還可藉著「一言九鼎」的人大決定,甚至中央公函來決定香港人的前途命運和收緊憲制權利。
爭取民主的本意
民主只是口號嗎?當年,我痛罵無視100萬窮人及30萬貧窮長者利益,卻慶祝不知辛亥革命本意的前行政長官曾蔭權,並要求設立全民退休保障,廢除強積金,因此首次被捕被控。但時至今日,香港仍然有過百萬貧窮人口,超過30萬貧窮長者,貧富懸殊及房屋短缺的問題愈加嚴重。2014年,我見過一位75歲的伯伯跪在立法會公聽會向時任勞工及福利局局長張建宗下跪,懇求政府不要拆遷古洞石仔嶺安老院。2019年,我又見到一位67歲執紙皮維生的婆婆在立法會公聽會哭訴難以找工作,現任勞工及福利局局長羅致光竟然叫她找勞工處。為何官員如此冷酷無情?為何我們的意見均未能影響政府施政?歸根結柢,就是因為香港人沒有真正的選擇,喪失本來應有制訂政策及監督的權力!
所謂民主,就是人民當家作主。任何施政,應當由人民倡議監督,公義分配,改善公共服務,使得貧者脫貧,富者節約。今日香港,顧全大陸,官商勾結,貧富懸殊,耗資千億的大白象跨境基建接踵而來,但當遇見護士猝死,教師自殺,老人下跪,政府政策就只有小修小補,小恩小惠,試問如何服眾?由1966年蘇守忠、盧麒公民抗命反對天星小輪加價,乃至1967年暴動及1989年中國愛國民主運動,甚至2003年反廿三條大遊行,無不是因政權專政,政策傾斜,分配不公,引致大規模民眾反抗。2014年雨傘運動的起點,亦是如此。
多年來,港人爭取民主,為求有公義分配,有尊嚴生活,有自主空間,但我們得到的是甚麼?1984年,中英兩國簽署《聯合聲明》前夕,前中共總書記趙紫陽曾回覆香港大學學生會要求「民主治港,普選特首」的訴求,清楚承諾「你們所說的『民主治港』是理所當然的」。當時,不少港人信以為真,誤以為回歸之後可得民主,但自1989年六四血腥鎮壓及2003年50萬人反對《廿三條》立法大遊行後,中共圖窮匕現,在2004年透過人大釋法收緊政制改革程序,並粗暴地決定2007及2008不會普選行政長官及立法會。自此,完全不民主的中國立法機關-全國人民代表大會常務委員會掌控香港人的命運福祉,人大釋法及人大決定可以隨時隨地配合極權政府的主張,命令香港法庭跟從,打壓香港的民主和法治。
2014年8月31日,是歷史的轉捩點。儘管多少溫和學者苦苦規勸,中共仍以6月的<一國兩制白皮書>為基礎,展示全面管治權的氣派,包括法官閣下在內,都要屈從愛國之說。在《8‧31人大決定》之後,中共完全暴露其假民主假普選的面目,其時,我們認為對抗方法就只有公民抗命。
公民抗命的起點
違法就是罪惡嗎?我們違法,稱之為「公民抗命」,就是公民憑良心為公眾利益,以非暴力形式不服從法律命令,以求改變不義制度或法律。終審法院非常任法官賀輔明(Leonard Hoffmann)勳爵曾在英國著名案例 R v Jones (Margaret) [2007] 1 AC 136 案提出:「發自良知的公民抗命,有着悠久及光榮的傳統。那些因着信念認為法律及政府行為是不義而違法的人,歷史很多時候都證明他們是正確的……能包容這種抗爭或示威,是文明社會的印記。」
終審法院在最近的公民廣場案(Secretary for Justice v Wong Chi Fung (2018) 21 HKCFAR 35)亦道明「公民抗命」的概念可獲肯定(該案判詞第70至72段)。因此,亦印證我等9人及其他公民抗命者並非可以一般「違法犯事」來解釋及施刑。港人以一般遊行示威爭取民主30年,無論從殖民年代乃至特區年代,皆無顯著改進,今日以更進步主張,公民抗命爭取民主,正如印度、南非、波蘭等對抗強權,實在無可厚非。誠然,堵塞主要幹道,影響民眾上班下課,實非我所願,但回想過來,中共及特區政府多年來豈不更堵塞香港民主之路,妨擾公眾獲得真正的發聲機會?
如果我是公民抗命,又何以不認罪承擔刑責?2014年12月,警方以成文法「出席未經批准集結」及「煽動參與未經批准集結」在村口將我逮捕。2017年3月,警方改以普通法「煽惑他人作出公眾妨擾」及「煽惑他人煽惑公眾妨擾」提控。正如戴耀廷先生在其結案陳詞引述英國劍橋大學法學教授 John R. Spencer 提及以普通法提訴的問題:「近年差不多所有以『公眾妨擾罪』來起訴的案件,都出現以下兩種情況的其中一個:一、當被告人的行為是觸犯了成文法律,通常懲罰是輕微的,檢控官想要以一支更大或額外的棒子去打他;二、當被告人的行為看來是明顯完全不涉及刑事責任的,檢控官找不到其他罪名可控訴他」,無獨有偶,前終審法院常任法官鄧楨在其2018年退休致詞提及:「普通法同樣可被用作欺壓的工具。它是一種變化多端的權力,除非妥善地運用人權法加以適當控制,否則可被不當使用。」如今看來,所言非虛。
今我遭控二罪,必定據理力爭,冀借助法官閣下明智判決推翻檢控不義,但法庭定讞,我自當承擔刑責,絕無怨言,以成全公民抗命之道。
試問誰還未覺醒
我是刻意求刑標榜自己,讓年青人跟從走進監獄大門嗎?我反覆推敲這個問題。然而,我的答案是,正正是希望後輩不用像我此般走進牢獄,我更要無懼怕地爭取人們所當得的。縱使今日面對強權,惡法將至,烏雲密佈,我依然一如既往,毋忘初衷地認為真普選才是港人獲得真正自由之路。任何一個聲稱為下一代福祉者,理應為後輩爭取自由平等的選擇權利,讓他們能自立成長,辨明是非,而非家長式管控思想,讓下一代淪為生財工具,朝廷鷹犬。
主耶穌基督說:「我確確實實地告訴你們:一粒麥子如果不落在地裡死去,它仍然是一粒;如果死了,就結出很多子粒來。(《約翰福音》第12章24節)」沒有犧牲,沒有收穫。故然,我不希望年青人跟我一樣要踏上公民抗命之路,承受牢獄之苦,但我請教所有智慧之士,既然舉牌示威遊行均已無顯其效,公民抗命和平抗爭為何不是能令政權受壓求變之策?若非偌大群眾運動,梁振英豈不仍安坐其位?
刑罰於我而言,無情可求,唯一我心中所想,就是希望法庭能顧念75歲的朱耀明牧師年事已高,望以非監禁方式處之,讓港人瞥見法庭對良心公民抗命者寬容一面。美國法哲學家羅納德‧德沃金(Ronald Dworkin)在1968年論及公民抗命時(On Not Prosecuting Civil Disobedience),不但認為法庭應給予公民抗命者寬鬆刑罰,甚至應不予起訴。事實上,終審法院非常任法官賀輔明在2014年12月4日,即雨傘運動尾聲(已發生大規模堵路多日),佔中三子自首之後一日,接受《蘋果日報》及《南華早報》訪問時提到「抗爭者及掌權者均未有逾越公民抗命的『遊戲規則』,抗爭活動並沒有損害香港法治」,更進一步提到「一旦他們被判有罪,應該從輕發落,認為這是傳統,因為自首的公民不是邪惡的人」,由此,我期盼法庭將有人道的判刑。
法官閣下,我能夠參與雨傘運動,爭取民主,實是毫無悔意,畢生榮幸。我已花了最青春的10年在社會運動上,假若我有80歲,我仍有50年可以與港人同行,繼續奮鬥。要是法官不信,且即管以刑罰來考驗我的意志,試煉我的決心,希望我的戰友們在我囚禁的時候,可以激發愛心,勉勵行善,更加有勇氣和力量作個真誠的人對抗謊言治國的中共政權。
「希望在於人民,改變始於抗爭」,唯有透過群眾力量,直接行動,才能改變社會。8年前如是,今日亦如是。但願港人堅定不移,爭取民主,打倒特權,彰顯公義。自由萬歲!民主社會主義萬歲!
願公義和慈愛的 主耶穌基督與我同在,與法官先生同在,與香港人同在!
社會民主連線副主席、雨傘運動案第八被告
黃浩銘
二零一九年四月九日
Hope lies in the people
Changes come from resistance
- Umbrella Movement Public Nuisance Case Statement
Your Honour Judge Johnny Chan,
It has been 8 years since I have met you in court. You were the judge to my case on disorder in public places. It was in 2011 and I was only 23 years old. I chased after the then Chief Executive Mr. Donald Tsang and asked if he knew the price of rice and whether he understood the struggles of the poor. Fate has brought us here again, I am before you once again, but I am no longer the young man who was acquitted. When you are reading this statement, I am a “recidivist”, ready to be sent to prison for the third time. However, I do not seek your mercy today, but wish to explain the reasons for my participation in the Umbrella Movement and civil disobedience, so that your honour can give a reasonable sentence through understanding my motives and actions.
Our positions have slightly altered in the past 8 years, but not as great as the changes that took place in Hong Kong. The controversial big white elephant infrastructures were completed. More tourists are visiting, making Hong Kong a bustling city. At the same time, however, more poor people are living in sub-divided flats, more people are forced to the street to protest, more young people are sent to jail. Things we wouldn’t have imagined 8 years are now happening in Hong Kong. When I was before you 8 years ago, we would not have imagined Hong Kong people could be kidnapped by the Chinese authority to Mainland China. We wouldn’t have imagined that one day, the Mainland law enforcement officers could perform their duties in Hong Kong. We wouldn’t have imagined, not only could the Community Chinese government interpret our law, but they could decide on our future and tightened the rule on constitutional rights through the National People’s Congress Decision.
The Original Intention
Is democracy just a slogan? 8 years ago, I criticised the then Chief Executive Mr. Donald Tsang for ignoring the interests of 1 million poor people and 300,000 elderly. I scolded him for celebrating the 1911 Revolution without understanding its preliminary belief. I called for the establishment of universal retirement protection and the abolition of MPF, and was arrested for the first time. Yet, there are still over a million poor people in Hong Kong today, with more than 300,000 of poor elderly. The disparity between the rich and the poor and housing problem have only become worsen.
In 2014, I witnessed a 75-year-old man kneeling before the Secretary for Labour and Welfare Mr. Matthew Cheung Kin-Chung at a public hearing in the Legislative Council. The old man begged the government not to demolish the elderly home in Kwu Tung Dills Corner. In 2019, a 67-year-old woman, who scavenges for cardboards to make a living, cried during the Legislative Council public hearing. She cried because it was impossible for her to get a job. The Secretary for Labour and Welfare Mr. Law Chi-Kwong simply told her to ask for help in the Labour Department. Why are the government officials so callous? Why have our opinions failed to affect the government’s administration? The root of the problem is that Hong Kong people do not have real choices, we have been deprived of the power to supervise the government and to formulate policies.
What is democracy? Democracy means people are the masters. Any policies should be supervised by the people, the society’s resources should be justly distributed to improve the public services, so that the poor is no longer in poverty. However, in today’s Hong Kong, the focus is on the Mainland China, there is collusion between the government and the businesses, there is a great disparity between the rich and the poor, and multi-billion-dollar big white elephant cross-border infrastructure are built one after another. Nurses die from overexertion at work, teachers commit suicide and old man kneels to beg for what he deserves. Yet, the government policies were only minor repairs here and there, giving small treats and favours to the people. How can you win the support of the people? From the civil disobedience movement in 1966 by So Sau-chung and Lo Kei against the increase of Star Ferry fare, until the 1967 riots and 1989 China Patriotic Democratic Movement, even the 2003 march against the purported legistlation of Article 23, they were all due to the political dictatorship, imbalance policies as well as unfair distribution of public resources. It is for these reasons that led to large scale protests. It is for the same reason that the 2014 Umbrella Movement started.
For so many years, Hong Kong people have been fighting for democracy. We demand a just allocation, a life with dignity and space of freedom. However, what do we get in return? On the eve of the signing of the Joint Declaration in 1984, the then premier of the Communist Chinese government Zhao Ziyang in his reply to the demand for democracy and universal suffrage by the University of Hong Kong Student Council clearly promised that ‘what you referred to, namely “rule Hong Kong by democracy” is a matter that goes without saying.’ At the time, a lot of Hong Kong people believed it. They thought they would have democracy after the handover. However, since the bloody suppression on 4th June 1989 and the 500,000 people demonstration against Article 23 in 2003, the plot of the Chinese communist revealed itself. They decided by force through the NPC interpretation in 2004 that there would be no universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council in 2007 and 2008. Since then, the undemocratic authority of NPC kept a tight grip on the destiny of Hong Kong people. NPC’s interpretation and decisions can be deployed anytime when convenient to assist the propaganda of the authoritative government, forcing the hands of the Hong Kong court and suppressing Hong Kong democracy and the rule of law.
31st August 2014 was a turning point in history. No matter how the moderate scholars tried to persuade it from happening, the Community Chinese government has used the One Country Two System White Paper in June as the foundation and forced its way down onto the people. Even your honour was among them, succumbed to the so called patriotism. After the 8.31 Decision of the National People’s Congress, the plot of the Communist Chinese government has revealed itself, the Chinese government has been lying to the Hong Kong people, they never intended to give Hong Kong genuine universal suffrage. At that time, we believed that civil disobedience was inevitable and was the only way out.
The Starting Point of Civil Disobedience
Is breaking the law sinful? We broke the law with a cause, as “civil disobedience” is the refusal to comply with certain laws considered unjust, as a peaceful form of political protest in the interest of the public to change the unjust system or law. Non-Permanent Judge of the Court of Final Appeal Honourable Leonard Hoffman stated in the well-known R v Jones (Margaret) [2007] 1 AC 136 case that, “civil disobedience on conscientious grounds has a long and honourable history in this country. People who break the law to affirm their belief in the injustice of a law or government action are sometime vindicated by history. It is the mark of a civilised community that it can accommodate protests and demonstrations of this kind.”
The recent decision by the Court of Appeal concerning the Civic Square outside the government headquarter(Secretary for Justice v Wong Chi Fung (2018) 21 HKCFAR 35) also confirmed the idea of civil disobedience(paragraphs 70-72 of the judgment refer). This , therefore, confirmed that myself and the other 8 defendants as well as other civil disobedience protestors, should not be understood as “breaking the law” in its general circumstances, nor should our sentencing be weighted against the usual standard. Hong Kong people have been fighting for democracy through protest for 30 years already, whether it was during the times of colonial British rule or during the special administrative region, there has been no improvement. Today, we fought for democracy, just as the fights for freedom and democracy in India, South Africa and Poland, and civil disobedience is inevitable. It is true that we did not want to block the roads or affect Hong Kong citizens attending to work or school. But on reflection, didn’t the Communist Chinese and Special Administrative governments block our road to democracy and interfere with our rights to speak up?
If what I did was in the name of civil disobedience, why should I defend my case and not bear the criminal responsibility? In December 2014, the police made use of the statutory offences of “attending unauthorised assembly and inciting participation in unauthorised assembly” and arrested me at the village I live in. In March 2017, the police amended their charges to common law offences of “incitement to commit public nuisance and incitement to incite public nuisance”. As Mr. Benny Tai said in his closing submissions, quoting law professor of Cambridge University John R. Spencer on common law charges, “...almost all the prosecutions for public nuisance in recent years seem to have taken place in one of two situations: first, where the defendant’s behaviour amounted to a statutory offence, typically punishable with a small penalty, and the prosecutor wanted a bigger or extra stick to beat him with, and secondly, where the defendant’s behaviour was not obviously criminal at all and the prosecutor could think of nothing else to charge him with.” Coincidentally, the then Court of Appeal Honourable Mr Justice Robert Tang Kwok-ching stated in his retirement speech in 2018 that, “Common law can be used oppressively. It is protean power, unless adequately controlled by the proper application of human rights law, can be misused.” What he said has become true today.
Faced with 2 charges, I am going to stand by reasons and my principles, in order to assist the Court to overturn an unjust prosecution. However, should the court find me guilty, I shall bear the criminal responsibility. I have no qualm or regrets, in fulfilment of my chosen path of civil disobedience.
Who has not yet awoken?
I do reflect as to whether I am simply seeking a criminal sentence in order to make a point, or to encourage other young men to follow my footsteps into the gates of the prison. I have reflected upon this repeatedly. However, my answer is that, I am doing this precisely because I do not wish to see other young men following my suit into the prison. Because of this, I need to fight for what is ours fearlessly. Although today we are confronted by an oppressive authority, the looming legislation of unjust laws and a clouded future, I shall be as I always am: relentless maintaining my stance that a real election is the path to freedom for Hong Kong people. Anyone who claims to be acting in the interest of the next generation should fight for a free and equal choice for their youths. This is in order for them to learn to be independent, to be able to tell rights from wrongs. There should be no paternal thinking, simply teaching the next generation to be slaves of money and accessories to the oppressor.
My Lord Jesus Christ has said: ‘Very truly I tell you, unless a kernel of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it remains only a single seed. But if it dies, it produces many seeds. (Book of John 12:24.) Without sacrifice, there is no reward. I don’t wish to see any more young men having to join the path of civil disobedience as I did, and to pay the price as I did. However, I ask this of all men and women of wisdom: if peaceful demonstration in the old fashioned way has lost its effectiveness and was simply ignored, why is peaceful civil disobedience not a good way to bring about change whilst one is being oppressed? If not for this crowd movement, C Y Leung would still be sitting comfortably on the throne.
I have no mitigation to submit. I only wish that the Court would spare Reverend Chu, who is an elderly of 75 years of age. I pray that a non-custodial sentence may be passed for Reverend Chu. I hope that the Court will have leniency and mercy for Reverend Chu. I refer to the work of the American legal philosopher Ronald Dworkin in 1968, namely: ‘On Not Prosecuting Civil Disobedience’. He opined that, not only should the Court allow leniency to civil disobedience participants, but also should they not be prosecuted. In fact, Lord Hoffmann NPJ of the CFA stated the following in an interview with Apple Daily and South China Morning Post on 4th December 2014 (which was at the end of the Umbrella Movement, a day before the surrender of the 3 initiators of the Occupy Central Movement): ‘In any civilised society, there is room for people making political points by civil disobedience.’ ‘These are not wicked people.’ Civil disobedience had ‘an old tradition’ in the common law world. ‘When it comes to punishment, the court should take into account their personal convictions.’ In light of this, I hope the Court shall pass a humane sentence.
Your honour, I have no regret for participating in the Umbrella Movement and the fight for democracy. It was an honour of a lifetime. I have spent the best 10 years of my youth in social movements. If I can live up to 80-year-old, I would still have 50 years to walk alongside the people of Hong Kong, to continue the fight. If this is in doubt, please test my will against the whips of criminal punishment. I shall take this as a trial of my determination. I only hope that my brothers and sisters-in-arms can be inspired whilst I am imprisoned, to do goods and encourage others. I hope they shall have further courage and strength to be honest men and women, to fight against the lies of the ruling Chinese Communist authority.
“Hope lies in the hands of the people, change starts from resistance.’ It’s only through the power of the people and direct action that the society can be changed. This was so 8 years ago. This is still the case today. May the will of the people of Hong Kong be firm and determined, to fight for democracy, overthrow the privileged, and let justice be done. All hail for freedom! All hail for democratic socialism!
May justice and peace of my Lord Jesus Christ be with me, with your Honour and with the People of Hong Kong!
Vice President of the League of Social Democrats,
the 8th Defendant of the Umbrella Movement Case
Raphael Wong Ho Ming
10th April 2019
i thought you were文法 在 コペル英会話 Youtube 的精選貼文
日本人のためのリスニング、発音、英文法の第一人者、イムランが贈る英会話レッスン動画です。mixiコミュニティー10万人、メルマガ読者2万人、そして麻布十番に英会話スクールを構えるイムランの英会話レッスンは初心者が短期間で上達するための教え方が高く評価されています。
イムランに習えば他から習う必要はありません。英会話はイムランで始まりイムランで終らせてください。
今回は日本国内に限らず世界中の英会話初心者から上級者までに絶大な人気を誇る「英語英会話一日一言」のQ771 I thought you were someone else.を解説。英語表現の意味だけではなく、ニュアンス、発音、リスニングのコツ、応用の仕方をしっかりと学べるのはイムランの英語レッスン動画だけです。
イムランの英語、「イムラン・イングリッシュ」を楽しみながら英語の勉強をしてください!
http://www.coper.biz
i thought you were文法 在 [文法] I think;I thought 的使用差別- 看板Eng-Class | PTT職涯區 的推薦與評價
3:09 秒第二個男評審說I thought you were fantastic. 我的問題是: 在這個情境下,他為什麼不是說I think you were fantastic. (我認為妳剛才很不可思議! ... <看更多>
i thought you were文法 在 Karen Sims - Hello I am sure you are aware but thought I'd... 的推薦與評價
Hello I am sure you are aware but thought I'd just check that you are aware of NDC plans for land near hospital in Yeo Valley. ... <看更多>
i thought you were文法 在 [文法] 與事實相反- 看板Eng-Class - 批踢踢實業坊 的推薦與評價
我想請問一下
有時候會看到一個句子
i thought it was you
這裡不是應該是與事實相反,任何主詞應該都要用were嗎?
所以不是應該是 i thought it were you ?
還有一個問題
這裡不是和過去事實相反嗎?
為什麼不是
i thought it had been you 呢?
謝謝回答
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◆ From: 114.34.85.48
先謝謝大家的回答
我也很能同意dunchee板友的說法,而且我在網路上搜尋後,也的確幾乎找不到
i thought it were 這個用法。
只是我有想過,
類似這個句子
i thought i could get 75 我想我可以拿75分
這個句子有兩種可能的意義
一種是 i thought i could get 75. and i really did
一種是 i thought i could get 75. but i didn't
所以我在想如果是要表達最後其實沒有拿到,是不是有別的表達方法
例如 把 could 改成 could have 或是把 was 改成 were 之類的
但是目前根據大家的回應還有我搜尋的結果,似乎沒有這種用法
※ 編輯: budabuchi 來自: 114.34.85.48 (06/27 21:10)
... <看更多>