[How to find the right marketing channel that’ll work for you]
In the world where almost every app, website, and even internet browsers are tracking our digital footprint, more than ever before, we have the ability to place our adverts in front of any customer. But increasingly, I’ve seen this act as a double edged sword for founders and their startup, they end up buying all types of advertising, retargeting tools, across multiple platforms and channels, burning through their marketing budget without really moving the needle. This got me thinking, what’s the best practice in selecting the right marketing channel, especially with a constrained budget?
#Back_to_basics:
We start with the customer journey, what hurdles does your customer need to overcome in order to purchase your product. Can this decision be made by the customer alone? Or do they have to discuss this with their significant other? maybe a parent? or their manager? or even the CEO. Understanding the decision process and parties involved, lets you narrow down the audience segment and how to target them. You want to have marketing strategies for both your customer and the decision makers, selling to engineers and selling to CEOs are equally important but they are very different. The fundamental difference lies between:
#Eyeballs:
Your customer will most likely have a very different digital footprint compared to the decision maker. Just like a parent doesn’t watch as much Youtube as their kids, neither will a CEO compare to the average engineer. So if your customer’s decision marker hasn't heard about you, the hurdle you’ll need to overcome is much higher.
There is a high chance their digital footprint falls into the biggest websites in the world, like Facebook, Youtube, Instagram, and local forums like Dcard/Reddit. So as these websites invest millions of dollars in R&D to compete for screen time, the only way to increase your exposure is to find the touch points they engage with on these platforms. Which brings me to my last point:
#Influencers_KOLs_Entertainers:
As the entertainment industry follows the retail industry’s footsteps in decentralization, we become less influenced by mainstream media and top down commercials. Customers now have direct and uninterrupted access to influencers, opinion leaders, and entertainers, who they resonate with on a much deeper level. Whether it is their taste in food, music, fashion, or personal values. I’m very bullish on influencers, KOLs, and the future of social commerce. Although it is a very fragmented space, but with diligent testing and supervision, I have seen startups successfully operate influencers and KOLs as a positive ROAS channel.
If you're a founder interested in growing your startup. You will love our community and mentors, check our website to add your name to the mailing list when the next application kicks off @ www.appworks.tw/accelerator
by Jack An
Analyst at AppWorks
同時也有83部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過51萬的網紅Games Effect,也在其Youtube影片中提到,It’s time to fight Pen Pen, I mean Zeruel! We are also partnering with FX Creations to bring you the Evangelion Bike, only 100 units worldwide! Purcha...
「instagram order tracking」的推薦目錄:
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 AppWorks Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 ThinkView Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 Games Effect Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 ma ko Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於instagram order tracking 在 ma ko Youtube 的精選貼文
instagram order tracking 在 ThinkView Facebook 的精選貼文
Siêu phẩm 𝗚𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗫𝗬 𝗙𝗢𝗟𝗗 có gì?
✔Cùng ThinkView điểm qua một vài nét nổi bật trên chiếc Galaxy Fold trước khi đến với bài review chi tiết nhé ;)
Máy được trang bị con chip mới nhất hiện tại Snapdragon 855, bộ nhớ 512GB và ram 16GB, với thông số này chắc chắn Galaxy Fold sẽ thực hiện tốt việc đa nhiệm từ làm việc cho đến Gaming. Ad thích nhất là công nghệ âm thanh Dolby Atmos và được tặng kèm cả Galaxy Buds xịn xò nữa ;) Ngoài ra anh em mà order từ bây giờ thì phải nói ngập tràn quà tặng luôn. Samsung hiểu anh em đam mê công nghệ ghê!!!
✔Chiếc Smartphone 6 Camera này Ad thấy cũng có nhiều tính năng hay lắm:
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🌟Quả xứng danh một kiệt tác đúng không nào ;) Anh em doanh nhân chắc chắn không thể bỏ lỡ em nó đâu nhé.
Theo dõi ngay ThinkView để không bỏ lỡ một thông tin nào về công nghệ
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instagram order tracking 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的最佳解答
【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】
美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授最近在《外交事務》(Foreign Affairs)雜誌的專文,值得一看。
黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師,小英總統去哥大演講時,正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴,黎安友也是座上賓。
這篇文章的標題是:「中國如何看待香港危機:北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。
文章很長,而且用英文寫,需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。
Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎,是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位,我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。
這篇文章,是在回答一個疑問:中共為何在香港事件如此自制?有人說是怕西方譴責,有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。
都不是。這篇文章認為,上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。
無論你多痛恨中共,你都必須真實面對你的敵人。
中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的,當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在,中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。
文章有一句話:“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。
中共一點都不焦慮。相反地,中共很有自信,香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體,到最後會支持中共。
這個分化的心理基礎,來自經濟上的利益。
文中還提到,鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制,就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。
1997年,香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年,這個比例降到2.8%。
今日的香港經濟,在中共的評估,是香港需要中國,而不是中國需要香港。
中共正在在意的,是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價,在過去十年內三倍翻漲。
文章是這樣描述:
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”
無論你同不同意這些說法,都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。
有趣的是,黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源(但他並沒有加上個人評論),部分是他自己的觀察。
#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball
新書:《 我在外交部工作 》
**
黎安友原文:
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4
How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint
By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019
Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.
Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.
But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.
Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.
This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”
ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS
Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.
But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.
Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.
At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.
Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.
Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.
IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS
The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.
Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.
CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?
As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.
instagram order tracking 在 Games Effect Youtube 的最佳解答
It’s time to fight Pen Pen, I mean Zeruel! We are also partnering with FX Creations to bring you the Evangelion Bike, only 100 units worldwide! Purchase now!
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2020年度のカレンダーについてです。
前年度よりかわいさ!紙質!進化いたしました!是非お手元でご確認下さい!
以下のサイトでご覧頂けます!
●専門サイト
https://sakuraotter.stores.jp
こちらはamazon PAYが使えません。
●anistarサイト
https://anistar.shop/?category_id=5cbd2277d211bf38b7ea0a3d
こちらはamazon PAYが使えます。
【商品の追跡】
御注文のファンの方は商品の追跡が御自分で確認できます。
http://anistar.biz/NumberInqiry.php
About the wall calendar and desktop calendar for 2020!
Cuter than the previous year! Paper quality! Evolved! Please check at hand!
You can see it at the following site!
● Specialized site
Https: //sakuraotter.stores.jp
This is not compatible with Amazon PAY.
● anistar site
Https: //anistar.shop/? Category_id = 5cbd2277d211bf38b7ea0a3d
You can use amazon PAY here.
[Product tracking]
If you are a fan of your order, you can check the product tracking yourself.
Http: //anistar.biz/NumberInqiry.php
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このチャンネルでは毎日18時半に動画を投稿しています!
Thank you for watching my channel!!
My name is Mako the owner of this otter Sakura.
Our daily life channel update are on every day!
Feel free to comment :)
Thank you!! :3
ツイッター(twitter) https://mobile.twitter.com/kawauso_sakura
ブログ(Blog ) https://ameblo.jp/kawausosakura
インスタグラム(Instagram) https://www.instagram.com/kawauso_sakura/
instagram order tracking 在 ma ko Youtube 的精選貼文
2020年度のカレンダーについてです。
前年度よりかわいさ!紙質!進化いたしました!是非お手元でご確認下さい!
以下のサイトでご覧頂けます!
●専門サイト
https://sakuraotter.stores.jp
こちらはamazon PAYが使えません。
●anistarサイト
https://anistar.shop/?category_id=5cbd2277d211bf38b7ea0a3d
こちらはamazon PAYが使えます。
【商品の追跡】
御注文のファンの方は商品の追跡が御自分で確認できます。
http://anistar.biz/NumberInqiry.php
About the wall calendar and desktop calendar for 2020!
Cuter than the previous year! Paper quality! Evolved! Please check at hand!
You can see it at the following site!
● Specialized site
Https: //sakuraotter.stores.jp
This is not compatible with Amazon PAY.
● anistar site
Https: //anistar.shop/? Category_id = 5cbd2277d211bf38b7ea0a3d
You can use amazon PAY here.
[Product tracking]
If you are a fan of your order, you can check the product tracking yourself.
Http: //anistar.biz/NumberInqiry.php
-----------------------------------------------------------------
このチャンネルでは毎日18時半に動画を投稿しています!
Thank you for watching my channel!!
My name is Mako the owner of this otter Sakura.
Our daily life channel update are on every day!
Feel free to comment :)
Thank you!! :3
ツイッター(twitter) https://mobile.twitter.com/kawauso_sakura
ブログ(Blog ) https://ameblo.jp/kawausosakura
インスタグラム(Instagram) https://www.instagram.com/kawauso_sakura/