葉太是前高官,熟知政府運作和昔日議會的資料及紀錄。可惜政府於是次修例的解說過程中,並沒有人像葉太般能清晰、有理有節地指出泛民的謬誤,在此感謝葉太的敢言,讓市民看清真相。
#香港幸好有葉太
Dear friends, an English summary of the key points I made in the LegCo adjournment debate is set out below:
1.Rebutting the pan democrats’ objections to the government’s fugitive offenders amendment legislation, I pointed out that arising from two criminal cases (the Telford Gardens murder case and the Cheung Tse-keung kidnap case) in which the suspects fled to mainland China after committing the offences, Martin Lee Chu-ming, then a Member of the Legislator, moved a motion in LegCo on 9 December 1998 urging the government to discuss and conclude an agreement with Beijing on rendition arrangements between mainland China and the SAR, so as to restore the public’s confidence in the SAR’s judicial jurisdiction”. The wording is as follows:
“That this Council deeply regrets that, while the cases involving the kidnapping of two business tycoons in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) and the murder of five persons in the
Telford Gardens, which are being handled in the Mainland in accordance with the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, have caused widespread concern among Hong Kong people, the SAR Government has not tried its utmost to seek the return of those who are suspected of violating the law in the SAR by the Basic Law; this Council also urges the SAR Government to expeditiously discuss and conclude an agree-ment with the Central People’s Government, on the basis of internationally agreed principles, on rendition arrangements between the Mainland and the SAR, so as to restore the public’s confidence in the SAR’s judicial jurisdiction.”
2.All the legislators from the Democratic Parry supported this motion. Who made an about-turn in opposing the government’s amendment legislation
to facilitate the rendition of fugitive offenders and mutual legal assistance in criminal matters with mainland China? Who have been lying to the people of Hong Kong?
3.As Secretary for Security, I had, on 3 December 198, reported to LegCo’s Security Panel the government’s plan to conclude an agreement on the rendition of fugitive offenders with mainland China. Then Chief Secretary Anson Chan undertook to expedite action to reach an agreement with the mainland.
4. All decisions about rendition are ultimately made by the courts. Two recent examples: a high court in New Zealand rejected an extradition request from China to extradite an ethnic Korean New Zealand citizen suspected of murdering a sex worker in Shanghai on the ground that the court did not believe that he would have access to “fair trial” in China. A court in Scotland rejected an extradition request from Taiwan to extradite a British national accused of killing a newspaper agent by drink driving on the ground that the court did not believe that he would
have non-discriminatory treatment in prison.
5. The Financial Action Task Force established under the auspices of G20 had described the lack of rendition arrangement and agreement on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters with mainland China as a “significant deficit” in Hong Kong’s fight against money laundering and terrorist financing.
6. On the question of pressure on judges to kowtow to Beijing, why should judges fear pressure? They are appointed by the Chief Executive with approval by the Legislative Council. They are well trained; well paid and have security of tenure. They are only accountable for the judgments they made which would go down in the common law as part of the
jurisprudence on extradition. They are not accountable to Beijing.
7. On the need to formally “withdraw” the fugitive offenders bill, I pointet out that then Chief Executive Tung Chee-hua used wording similar to that of the current administration in announcing the postponement of the second reading debate of the national security bill on 7 July 2003. On 2 October 2003, then Secretary for Security Ambrose Lee wrote to House Committee Chairperson Selina Chow to explain that to give effect to Mr.Tung’s announcement of “withdrawal” of the bill on 5 September, he would not give notice under LegCo Rules of Procedure to resume second reading debate of the bill within the current term of the Legislative Council.
8. Thus it is clear that the current administration followed the same wording and procedure as in 2003. Clear indication that second reading debate
would not be resumed in the rest of the legislative term is effective “withdrawal”. Insistence on withdrawal is merely a ploy adopted by the opposition to dial up pressure on the administration to undermine its ability to govern.
9.The orderly demonstrations carried out recently by large numbers of of Hong Kong people fully testify to the abundance of rights and freedoms in Hong Kong. But I strongly condemn the outbreak of violence after the mass protest on 9 June, the violent attack on the Police on 12 June, the repeated actions taken by unruly protesters to lay siege to the Police Headquarters, the Immigration Tower, the Revenue Tower and the Justice Place. These protesters have become urban “bandits”, disrupting social order and damaging Hong Kong’s overseas reputation as a safe city. The attacks on Police Headquarters, with a view to undermining Police morale, are particularly vicious. These protesters have committed multiple offences and should be brought to justice.
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(中文版本發言全文)
【誰是第一人敦促特區政府與內地商討移交逃犯協議?讓市民看清真相】
多謝代理主席女士,我發言是支持張華峰議員的議案,我完全同意張議員議案指出,政府現時當務之急是盡快恢復社會秩序,穩定營商環境,採取及時的應對措施 ,令市民可以恢復正常的生活。我亦很高興藉這個休會辯論的機會,向市民講真話,講清講楚,告訴市民那些人一直講大話,瞞騙市民!可惜尹兆堅議員不在席,我想告訴所有的泛民議員,究竟誰是第一人敦促特區政府與內地商討移交逃犯協議,以及刑事司法互助安排呢?正是李柱銘議員!
1998年香港出現了兩宗轟動社會的刑事案件,第一宗是德福花園的「五屍命案」,風水師李育輝殺了五名女士後逃到內地,被逮捕及處決;第二宗是「張子強案」,張子強涉嫌綁架和囤積軍火,同樣逃到內地,然後被逮捕及處決。當時立法會非常震驚,要求特區政府盡快與內地商討刑事司法互助安排,例如1998年12月3 日,我擔任保安局局長,向立法會保安事務委員會交代,要與內地訂明有關安排,並與今日的特區政府一樣,承諾所有安排必須符合「雙重犯罪」原則、指定罪行、不得再移交第三國家的保障、死刑及政治罪行或受政治迫害一律豁免移交的保障,就此,根據保安事務委員會會議文件編號CB(2)748/98-99(02) 第十段有清楚說明:「鑑於公眾對近日張子強和李育輝等案件的關注,亦正如政務司司長所承諾,政府會盡力加快工作,以期早日與內地就此重要事項達成協議。」當時政務司司長就是陳方安生女士。
接下來,李柱銘先生亦在1998年12月9 日動議議案。李議員動議的議案內容如下:「由於兩名富商在香港特別行政區(“特 區”)被綁架案及德福花園五屍命案均在內地法院以《中華人民共和國刑法》審理,引起港人極大關注,但特區政府卻未盡全力爭取將在特區境內涉嫌違法的人士,交還特區法院審理,以捍衛《基本法 》賦予特區的司法管轄權,對此,本會深表遺憾;同時,本會促請特區政府以國際社會公認的原則為基礎,盡快就中港兩地移交疑犯的安排與中央人民政 府進行商討及達成協議,恢復港人對特區司法管轄權的信心。」
因此,我真的要問問尹兆堅議員,究竟是誰人表演「四川變臉」?李柱銘去美國告狀時,有沒有告訴美國人他是提出修例的第一人?他當年不斷敦促特區政府和內地達成協議!我則堂堂正正光明正大地多次到北京開會,商討移交逃犯協議和刑事司法互助安排,會議後每次都是光明磊落向本會匯報。為何對這些事實你們全部失憶?是誰欺騙市民?拍攝影片誤導市民,宣傳香港人如何肉隨砧板上,隨時像動物一樣被移送內地!
事實上,所有案例都證明移交逃犯是需要經過法庭冗長而複雜的程序。最近新西蘭的高等法院否決移交一名韓裔新西蘭公民,該人士涉嫌在上海謀殺一名性工作者,而這案件已由2011年審理至今。蘇格蘭的法庭也拒絕了台灣一個引渡要求,有關一名英國人在台灣醉酒駕駛,撞死一名派報紙的職員。由此可見,最終決定權在法庭手上,並非行政長官一人決定。亦有指法官備受壓力,試問法官受高深教育,良好的司法訓練,身受納稅人供給不錯的報酬,他們當然必須承擔責任。我們每個人都有壓力,法官承擔責任,幫助香港人解決法律問題,是他們應有的責任。因此,代理主席,我認為應該就此向市民講清講楚,是誰人不斷向市民講大話?誤導市民!將這條應該做的法例,抹黑成一條所謂「送中」的惡法!
亦看看國際社會怎麼說,Financial Action Task Force, 即G20集團轄下的「財務行動特別組織」,素來批評香港與內地沒有移交逃犯協議和刑事司法互助安排。過往,他們直指這是一個significant deficit ,即一個「重大缺憾」。近來,可能因為要和應香港反對修例的聲音,則改為 legal shortcoming,即一個「法律上的缺憾」。不過,我們仍然需要完善這些法律,所以政府不撤回是正確的。那些要求行政會議成員辭職的人,全部皆作出不公平的指責。這條例本身完全沒有錯,但大家都同意,政府在宣傳和解釋這條條例方面,乃至為市民反駁種種謊言的工作,做得嚴重不足。
說到撤回,我們看看當年政府處理23條的時候所用的語言。2003年7月7日,時任行政長官董建華先生發表聲明:「我即時召開行政會議特別會議。經過詳細商討後,基於自由黨的立場,我們決定將條例草案押後恢復二讀,並在未來一段時間加強向市民解釋修訂案內容。」其實這個方針與現時政府無異,一樣是將其押後並且加強解釋,並沒有表示撤回。再看看我的接任人李少光局長向內務委員會主席周梁淑怡女士致函的內容,信函的日期是2003年10月2日,李局長寫道:「為在程序上落實前文所提及,行政長官會同行政會議的決定,我現確認我不擬根據《議事規則》第 54(5)條發出預告,以在本屆立法會任期內恢復該草案的二讀辯論。草案因此會根據《議事規則》第 11(4)條及《立法會條例》(第 542 章)第 9(4)條,在本屆立法會任期完結時失效。」即是和現在特區政府的說法一樣,繼續開放式的諮詢去解釋這條條例,沒有時間表,不發出預告恢復二讀,任由這條例「自然死亡」,實質上等同不會再推動修例,等同撤回。
為什麼當時沒有要求撤回的爭論呢?我認為今天有人強烈要求撤回,根本別有用心!為了找理由不斷衝擊政府部門,除了衝擊警察總部之外,又衝擊入境事務大樓、稅務大樓,今天亦有超過100人衝擊律政中心。他們的目的到底與這條條例有什麼關係呢?其實只不過是用「撤回」作一個藉口,不斷擾亂香港秩序,甚至令香港在國際社會失色,令許多希望到香港做生意或旅遊的人,感到香港是一個不安全的城市,他們的用心實在非常惡毒!「撤回」是一個要求律政司下台的藉口,假如律政司下台,他們就會要求整個特區政府領導班子總辭,所有支持過修訂條例的行政會議成員、立法會議員,全部都應該總辭,不如讓泛民和黃之鋒接手特區政府,這就是他們的最終目的。代理主席,所以我一定要藉這個休會辯論的機會,向市民講清楚這背後的陰謀。
當然,我要強烈譴責近日這些示威人士衝擊警察總部。過去兩星期有大部分市民和平遊行,充分彰顯香港擁有高度自由,以及人權得到高度保障,這是我們香港人皆引以為榮的核心價值。不過,在這些和平的示威遊行之後,有些不法之徒聚眾衝擊政府部門,特別是衝擊警隊,他們的用心非常惡毒!他們知道警隊是維護香港治安和秩序最重要的支柱,他們就故意不斷打擊警隊的士氣,甚至侵犯他們的私隱,包括網上「起底」和 網上欺凌。昨晚市民在愛丁堡廣場和平集會後,有眾多穿黑衣的人士走入地鐵站,他們最後走到軍器廠街再次包圍警察總部。我見到一名正在上班的警員,他沒有戴口罩,光明正大地上班,但竟然被人追打!不過,他無畏無懼,直視這些示威者。其實這些人已經觸犯多項刑事罪行,包括襲警、非法集會、刑事毀壞,警方應該將他們繩之於法,不可以因為你「聲大」你「人多」就可以獲得特赦。
代理主席,就此我感到特別震驚,為何一位前政務司司長能夠說出特赦及釋放違法人士,此等嚴重衝擊法治的言論呢?我們一位前同事余黎青萍女士,她以英語寫了一篇非常感人的聲明,在我們前政務官的圈子裏流傳。她表示 disappointed by 這位前同事陳方安生的所作所為!我亦 disappointed by 民主黨的變臉與謊言!李柱銘到美國告狀,有否告知美國人,他是第一人支持與內地簽訂移交逃犯協議,和達至司法互助?這些真相應該告知市民。
代理主席,這些近日的示威者已經成為一股流寇,不斷去衝擊各個政府部門。我懷疑他們真正目的就是要拖垮政府,傷害我們整體市民的利益。因此,我懇請各位善良的市民,看清楚真相,不要支持這些破壞香港繁榮安定的壞分子,不要參加他們的集會,亦希望各位父母約束您們的子女,並解說給他們知道,和平示威沒有問題,但一遇到出現亂象,應該帶他們離開現場,以免他們身陷險境。
law of mass action中文 在 無待堂 Facebook 的最讚貼文
【《砥鋒挺鍔 傲雪欺霜》- 大專學界就民主牆爭議之聲明 | “Arming Ourselves in Our Darkest Hour” - Declaration of Students’ Unions of Higher Institutions on the Controversy Surrounding Democracy Wall】
(Please scroll down for English version.)
近日,各大專院校對於學生使用民主牆爆發爭議,舔共傀儡林鄭月娥竟借機指言論自由並非完全沒有限制,更暗指學術自由和院校自主是鼓吹歪論的藉口。大學校園應為思想意見交流之所,民主牆亦是容許學生暢所欲言的公開平台。如今,政權之首竟出言鉗制學生表達自由,企圖向校方施壓,大興文字獄,大專學界予以最強烈之譴責。
在中大校園內,有同學於學生會管理的範圍掛上「香港獨立」橫額及於民主牆上貼上宣傳港獨之文宣。有關港獨之橫額及文宣並無違反香港法律,只是單單內容不合乎中大校方心意、與校方立場有異,校方便指鹿為馬,無理指控其內容違法,圖以法律之名打壓言論自由,更繞過該場地的真正管理者中大學生會,直接指派保安人員拆下橫額,完全無視學生自治的原則。大專學界強調,《基本法》性質類近憲法,而憲法訂明政府權限及人民權利。憲法圈限政府權力,政府卻絕不可借憲法縮窄人民權利。因此,政府及中大校方均不可以「違反《基本法》」為名,禁止學生討論香港獨立。
其後,中大學生會幹事會因是次事件而受到大規模滋擾。然而,校方並沒有就此作出回應並保護學生,反而因立場不同而置學生安危於不顧,有違教育者之原則,再證中大校方已淪為為政權護航的機器。
除此以外,早前有人於香港教育大學民主牆張貼「恭賀」教育局副局長蔡若蓮長子去世,教大校長高調批評該二人「歹毒」,更指若該二人不是教大學生,則「放他上網」。翌日,相關閉路電視截圖流出,實在令人髮指。的確,大專學界認為奚落蔡若蓮之言論確有失當,然而,冰封三尺非一日之寒。教育局多年來接連推出殘害莘莘學子之政策,當中包括全港性系統評估及國民教育,蔡若蓮為其一一護航,年青人對教育局及蔡若蓮的不滿無處發洩,最終訴於不當的情緒宣洩,實在是情有可原。教大校方縱然不滿此等言論,卻絕不可公開閉路電視片段。此等行為不但如同鼓吹社會公審批鬥,更有機會違反《個人資料(私隱)條例》。今日有人因失當言論被公開容貌,他日有學生批評校長,會否亦遭受類似報復?大專學界強烈譴責教大校方借機製造白色恐怖,並要求教大校方就洩露閉路電視片段作出合理交代。
《基本法》第二十七條訂明香港居民享有言論自由,我們的基本人權應受保障及尊重,而院校自主及學術自由更不容港共侵害。大專學界在此重申,言論自由是天賦人權,是不容侵犯之底線。我們將密切留意各大專院校之情況,堅守我們的自由與權利。
二零一七年九月十日
香港城巿大學學生會
恒生管理學院學生會
香港浸會大學學生會
香港科技大學學生會
嶺南大學學生會
香港珠海學院學生會
香港高等教育科技學院學生會
香港教育大學學生會
香港演藝學院學生會
香港大學學生會
香港公開大學學生會
香港樹仁大學學生會
香港中文大學學生會
In the past few days, controversy surrounding students’ use of their democracy wall has broken out and received widespread attention. Communist puppet Lam Cheng Yuet Ngor took the chance and implied that freedom of speech should be limited, and fallacies have been told under the veil of academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Universities are where thoughts and opinions are exchanged, and democracy walls are platforms for students to speak our mind. The regime is now making an explicit effort to limit our freedom of expression through exerting pressure on university authorities to punish those whose speech may have intimidated the people in power. Students’ Unions across the higher institutions condemn such atrocities.
In the Chinese University of Hong Kong, students hanged banner advocating Hong Kong independence at a site managed by Student Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Related leaflets were also posted to the democracy wall. Staggeringly, while the students by no means breached the law, the university authorities claimed that such advocacies as illegal and overrode CUSU by sending securities to remove the banner, revealing their complete ignorance to the autonomy of CUSU. Students’ Unions now reiterate that the nature of the Basic Law is similar to that of a constitution, which defines the power of the government and the liberty enjoyed by the citizenry. In other words, while the government is bound by the constitution, the government can never restrict the liberty of the people through the constitution. Thus, neither the government nor the university authorities can restrict the freedom of students to discuss Hong Kong independence under the name of the Basic Law.
Due to the controversy, the Executive Committee of CUSU has been suffering excessive nuisance. Yet, neither has there been any response from nor actions taken by the university authorities to protect the students. The authorities, as educators, should feel shameful for not ensuring the safety of students due to differences in opinions.
Apart from this, there were also two persons posting slogans to ‘congratulate’ Education Undersecretary Choi Yuk Lin’s loss of her son on the democracy wall at the Education University of Hong Kong. The President of EdUHK severely condemned the students as ‘vicious’, and claimed that the university would expose those persons on the internet if they were not students of EdUHK. Related shots of CCTV were then released to the media in the following day. Indeed, students’ unions believe the slogans are inappropriate. Yet, it is also important to acknowledge that the Education Bureau has been introducing malicious policies against students, ranging from TSA to national education, and Choi has been an explicitly pro-government person. With no effective channels to express their discontent, young people may have chosen such emotional and even irrational expression. Thus, while such slogans are inappropriate, we also find them excusable. Albeit their discontent, the university authorities should not have released the shots of CCTV to the media. Such action not only stirs up public emotions and ignites mass criticism against the two persons which would be completely out of proportion, but may also constitute violation of Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance. Student may also be aware of similar vengeful acts when they criticise the university authorities again in the future. Students’ unions condemn the authorities of EdUHK for creating white terror and request the authorities to give a proper response regarding the leak of CCTV footage.
Under Article 27 of the Basic Law, we as Hong Kong citizens are entitled to the freedom of speech. Our rights must be protected and respected, while academic freedom and institutional autonomy are values that must not be stripped away. Students’ unions stress that everyone enjoys the freedom of speech, and this is the line that we shall never compromise. We are now paying attention to situation across the higher institutions and we are ready to defend our rights and liberty.
10 September 2017
City University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
Hang Seng Management College Students' Union
Hong Kong Baptist University Students’ Union
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Students’ Union
Lingnan University Students’ Union
Student Union of Chu Hai College of Higher Education
Technological and Higher Education Institute of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Hong Kong Academy for Performing Arts Students' Union
The Education University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
The Open University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Student Union of Hong Kong Shue Yan University
The Student Union of The Chinese University of Hong Kong
law of mass action中文 在 盧斯達 Facebook 的精選貼文
【《砥鋒挺鍔 傲雪欺霜》- 大專學界就民主牆爭議之聲明 | “Arming Ourselves in Our Darkest Hour” - Declaration of Students’ Unions of Higher Institutions on the Controversy Surrounding Democracy Wall】
(Please scroll down for English version.)
近日,各大專院校對於學生使用民主牆爆發爭議,舔共傀儡林鄭月娥竟借機指言論自由並非完全沒有限制,更暗指學術自由和院校自主是鼓吹歪論的藉口。大學校園應為思想意見交流之所,民主牆亦是容許學生暢所欲言的公開平台。如今,政權之首竟出言鉗制學生表達自由,企圖向校方施壓,大興文字獄,大專學界予以最強烈之譴責。
在中大校園內,有同學於學生會管理的範圍掛上「香港獨立」橫額及於民主牆上貼上宣傳港獨之文宣。有關港獨之橫額及文宣並無違反香港法律,只是單單內容不合乎中大校方心意、與校方立場有異,校方便指鹿為馬,無理指控其內容違法,圖以法律之名打壓言論自由,更繞過該場地的真正管理者中大學生會,直接指派保安人員拆下橫額,完全無視學生自治的原則。大專學界強調,《基本法》性質類近憲法,而憲法訂明政府權限及人民權利。憲法圈限政府權力,政府卻絕不可借憲法縮窄人民權利。因此,政府及中大校方均不可以「違反《基本法》」為名,禁止學生討論香港獨立。
其後,中大學生會幹事會因是次事件而受到大規模滋擾。然而,校方並沒有就此作出回應並保護學生,反而因立場不同而置學生安危於不顧,有違教育者之原則,再證中大校方已淪為為政權護航的機器。
除此以外,早前有人於香港教育大學民主牆張貼「恭賀」教育局副局長蔡若蓮長子去世,教大校長高調批評該二人「歹毒」,更指若該二人不是教大學生,則「放他上網」。翌日,相關閉路電視截圖流出,實在令人髮指。的確,大專學界認為奚落蔡若蓮之言論確有失當,然而,冰封三尺非一日之寒。教育局多年來接連推出殘害莘莘學子之政策,當中包括全港性系統評估及國民教育,蔡若蓮為其一一護航,年青人對教育局及蔡若蓮的不滿無處發洩,最終訴於不當的情緒宣洩,實在是情有可原。教大校方縱然不滿此等言論,卻絕不可公開閉路電視片段。此等行為不但如同鼓吹社會公審批鬥,更有機會違反《個人資料(私隱)條例》。今日有人因失當言論被公開容貌,他日有學生批評校長,會否亦遭受類似報復?大專學界強烈譴責教大校方借機製造白色恐怖,並要求教大校方就洩露閉路電視片段作出合理交代。
《基本法》第二十七條訂明香港居民享有言論自由,我們的基本人權應受保障及尊重,而院校自主及學術自由更不容港共侵害。大專學界在此重申,言論自由是天賦人權,是不容侵犯之底線。我們將密切留意各大專院校之情況,堅守我們的自由與權利。
二零一七年九月十日
香港城巿大學學生會
恒生管理學院學生會
香港浸會大學學生會
香港科技大學學生會
嶺南大學學生會
香港珠海學院學生會
香港高等教育科技學院學生會
香港教育大學學生會
香港演藝學院學生會
香港大學學生會
香港公開大學學生會
香港樹仁大學學生會
香港中文大學學生會
In the past few days, controversy surrounding students’ use of their democracy wall has broken out and received widespread attention. Communist puppet Lam Cheng Yuet Ngor took the chance and implied that freedom of speech should be limited, and fallacies have been told under the veil of academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Universities are where thoughts and opinions are exchanged, and democracy walls are platforms for students to speak our mind. The regime is now making an explicit effort to limit our freedom of expression through exerting pressure on university authorities to punish those whose speech may have intimidated the people in power. Students’ Unions across the higher institutions condemn such atrocities.
In the Chinese University of Hong Kong, students hanged banner advocating Hong Kong independence at a site managed by Student Union of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Related leaflets were also posted to the democracy wall. Staggeringly, while the students by no means breached the law, the university authorities claimed that such advocacies as illegal and overrode CUSU by sending securities to remove the banner, revealing their complete ignorance to the autonomy of CUSU. Students’ Unions now reiterate that the nature of the Basic Law is similar to that of a constitution, which defines the power of the government and the liberty enjoyed by the citizenry. In other words, while the government is bound by the constitution, the government can never restrict the liberty of the people through the constitution. Thus, neither the government nor the university authorities can restrict the freedom of students to discuss Hong Kong independence under the name of the Basic Law.
Due to the controversy, the Executive Committee of CUSU has been suffering excessive nuisance. Yet, neither has there been any response from nor actions taken by the university authorities to protect the students. The authorities, as educators, should feel shameful for not ensuring the safety of students due to differences in opinions.
Apart from this, there were also two persons posting slogans to ‘congratulate’ Education Undersecretary Choi Yuk Lin’s loss of her son on the democracy wall at the Education University of Hong Kong. The President of EdUHK severely condemned the students as ‘vicious’, and claimed that the university would expose those persons on the internet if they were not students of EdUHK. Related shots of CCTV were then released to the media in the following day. Indeed, students’ unions believe the slogans are inappropriate. Yet, it is also important to acknowledge that the Education Bureau has been introducing malicious policies against students, ranging from TSA to national education, and Choi has been an explicitly pro-government person. With no effective channels to express their discontent, young people may have chosen such emotional and even irrational expression. Thus, while such slogans are inappropriate, we also find them excusable. Albeit their discontent, the university authorities should not have released the shots of CCTV to the media. Such action not only stirs up public emotions and ignites mass criticism against the two persons which would be completely out of proportion, but may also constitute violation of Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance. Student may also be aware of similar vengeful acts when they criticise the university authorities again in the future. Students’ unions condemn the authorities of EdUHK for creating white terror and request the authorities to give a proper response regarding the leak of CCTV footage.
Under Article 27 of the Basic Law, we as Hong Kong citizens are entitled to the freedom of speech. Our rights must be protected and respected, while academic freedom and institutional autonomy are values that must not be stripped away. Students’ unions stress that everyone enjoys the freedom of speech, and this is the line that we shall never compromise. We are now paying attention to situation across the higher institutions and we are ready to defend our rights and liberty.
10 September 2017
City University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
Hang Seng Management College Students' Union
Hong Kong Baptist University Students’ Union
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Students’ Union
Lingnan University Students’ Union
Student Union of Chu Hai College of Higher Education
Technological and Higher Education Institute of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Hong Kong Academy for Performing Arts Students' Union
The Education University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
The Open University of Hong Kong Students’ Union
The Student Union of Hong Kong Shue Yan University
The Student Union of The Chinese University of Hong Kong