The meaning of re-provoking 721 | Lee Yee
LIHKG forum started a thread titled “Congratulations to the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) for Raising Global Awareness Again for the Jul. 21 incident (721).” There were continuous comments on the thread that linked to international media reports on the HKPF’s various deliberate misrepresentations. Many social media were also swept by a flood of all the videos previously published since 721: live broadcasts, subsequent comprehensive reports including Hong Kong Connection’s “721 Yuen Long Nightmare” which had 8.32 million views in just over five months since the clip was published, and “Truth of 721” which had over 1.3 million views since its upload last month. The large amount of visual media trending on social media is the explosion of citizens actions to challenge the copious amount of lies.
The biggest effect of HKPF re-provoking 721 is to let those Hongkongers, especially foreigners, whose memories of the incident have faded, to remember it again. How can people believe the fabricated lies when they once again witness the scenes and listen to the people who lived through it recount the experience? In that case, what is the purpose of reviving people’s memory? Surely it is not because the trust score of Carrie Lam’s regime is not low enough?
Hong Kong has realized the words of the Russian author and dissident, Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn, of whom I once quoted: “We know they are lying. They know they are lying. They also know that we know they are lying. We also know that they know that we know they are lying. But they are still lying.”
A reader asked me the source of this quotation but I could not find it. It was only based on the Internet, nevertheless it is fantastic. Solzhenitsyn had written so many articles on deception and the authoritarian regime so it is possible that he had said it just once during a conversation. Another Russian writer, Elena Gorokhova, said something similar in a book published in 2010: “The rules are simple: they deceive us, we know they are lying, they know that we know they are lying, but they keep on lying to us, and we keep on pretending to believe them.” The significance of re-provoking 721 is spelled out in these two passages.
Why are they still lying when they know that we know that they are lying? This is because, under the tyranny of totalitarianism, the fabrication of lies is not to make the people believe but to make one’s case sound plausible when justifying with the superior. 721 was a defining moment in the timeline of the anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (anti-ELAB) movement that reversed the perception of the people of Hong Kong and the international community towards the HKPF and HKSAR government. In other words, after the incident, the image of the HKPF tumbled from the protector of the people to a tool of tyranny. Therefore, the distortion of facts is not for the people to believe but to let their “own people” including their superiors to “pretend to believe” so as to maintain the “legitimacy pretense.”
Another implication of re-provoking this incident is that the behavior of lying even when knowingly they cannot deceive proves the existing regime is a true tyranny.
Solzhenitsyn said, “Tyranny finds its only refuge in falsehood and falsehood in tyranny finds its only support.” “Tyranny must be interwoven with falsehood. Between them, they have the closest and deepest natural union.” Because of this intimate natural bonding, in the presence of deceptions regardless of whether people will believe it or not, it is tantamount to proclaiming the existence of tyranny.
The significance of re-provoking this incident is threefold. It also illustrates the greatest crisis in Hong Kong. It is not those in power and the pro-Beijing camp pretending to believe in the distorted facts, but that the increasing number of Hongkongers willing to tolerate the lies and also pretending that the stag is a horse. The Czech dissident writer and former President of Czechoslovakia, Václav Havel said that when people “have to acquiesce, endure and drift along with the lies, then every person can only survive in lies. People do not need to accept lies, it is enough that they endure a life of living in and with lies. In this way, people validate, perfect, create and become this system.”
The Chinese have “become this system.” Hongkongers must not only protect the truth, but also be wary of themselves and the people around them to not pretend to believe in lies and not participate in distorting facts for personal gain. Solzhenitsyn said, “If we are fearful even to detach from the participation of lying, then we are worthless and hopeless.” The sarcasm of Russian writer, Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin, is most applicable to us: “Why give animals freedom? Their fate is to be bound by chains and flogged with whips, generation after generation!”
Hongkongers must take heed of this heart-wrenching remark!
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George W Bush's statement:
Laura and I are anguished by the brutal suffocation of George Floyd and disturbed by the injustice and fear that suffocate our country. Yet we have resisted the urge to speak out, because this is not the time for us to lecture. It is time for us to listen. It is time for America to examine our tragic failures – and as we do, we will also see some of our redeeming strengths.
It remains a shocking failure that many African Americans, especially young African American men, are harassed and threatened in their own country. It is a strength when protesters, protected by responsible law enforcement, march for a better future. This tragedy — in a long series of similar tragedies — raises a long overdue question: How do we end systemic racism in our society? The only way to see ourselves in a true light is to listen to the voices of so many who are hurting and grieving. Those who set out to silence those voices do not understand the meaning of America — or how it becomes a better place.
America’s greatest challenge has long been to unite people of very different backgrounds into a single nation of justice and opportunity. The doctrine and habits of racial superiority, which once nearly split our country, still threaten our Union. The answers to American problems are found by living up to American ideals — to the fundamental truth that all human beings are created equal and endowed by God with certain rights. We have often underestimated how radical that quest really is, and how our cherished principles challenge systems of intended or assumed injustice. The heroes of America — from Frederick Douglass, to Harriet Tubman, to Abraham Lincoln, to Martin Luther King, Jr. — are heroes of unity. Their calling has never been for the fainthearted. They often revealed the nation’s disturbing bigotry and exploitation — stains on our character sometimes difficult for the American majority to examine. We can only see the reality of America’s need by seeing it through the eyes of the threatened, oppressed, and disenfranchised.
That is exactly where we now stand. Many doubt the justice of our country, and with good reason. Black people see the repeated violation of their rights without an urgent and adequate response from American institutions. We know that lasting justice will only come by peaceful means. Looting is not liberation, and destruction is not progress. But we also know that lasting peace in our communities requires truly equal justice. The rule of law ultimately depends on the fairness and legitimacy of the legal system. And achieving justice for all is the duty of all.
This will require a consistent, courageous, and creative effort. We serve our neighbors best when we try to understand their experience. We love our neighbors as ourselves when we treat them as equals, in both protection and compassion. There is a better way — the way of empathy, and shared commitment, and bold action, and a peace rooted in justice. I am confident that together, Americans will choose the better way.
https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/02/politics/george-w-bush-statement-on-george-floyd/index.html
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我相信相信當年死於無情槍火與坦克下的學子
想見到的不是大家每年只有哭喪著臉的悼念而無理性深切的反思
若大家只哀悼他們的死亡,而忘記他們當初所抱持的信念,這樣實在是白費了他們的犧牲
紀念六四不應只是一種點蠟燭、喊口號的儀式
紀念六四應有的態度是以八九民運的勇士為榜樣:對公義和自由有一份應有的執著,對暴政強權有奮身反抗的勇氣,對自己的家園有願意付出的精神。
同時,我們必須緊記中共的邪惡,對於這個殘暴且無恥的政權,我們絕對不能妥協退讓;對於一切向其獻媚的奸佞之徒,我們也絕對不能容忍。
所謂「愛國」或「建設民主中國」,對於港人而言只是華而不實的煽情之談,對於香港的前途毫無禆益,反而令香港的民主進程裹足不前,在地抗爭、自立尋生才是港人的出路
當然,獨立自決不能一蹴而就,除了實際參與各種抗爭行動之外,大家還可以在改變議會、捍衛言論自由、對抗洗腦教育......等議題上盡一分力:做助選義工也好,傳揚民主思想也好,就政府各政策的諮詢去信表達意見也好......有很多事情是我們可以做、應該做的
就算未能像當年的勇士般置生死於度外,至少也要犧牲一點享樂的時間為香港做點事,讓自己對得起這片土地、對得起下一代
共勉之。
愛國盡頭乃殘民赤禍 痛悟前非當自立尋生
香港大學學生會六四宣言
廿七年前的春夏之交,中國翻起巨變,人人以為民主、自由即將降臨。可惜事與願違,一場波瀾壯闊的民主運動,最後以血腥鎮壓告終,無數市民學子魂斷於國家機器之下,遭秋後算帳而身陷囹圄、痛遭刑劫者亦不計其數。學生以愛國之名掀起學潮,豈料國家卻早已遭殘民以逞的共匪竊去。墨寫的謊話,掩不住血色真相。縱然身處相對自由的國度,本着良知與公義,港人一直未有遺忘八九年的這段歷史。可惜,在一河之隔的中國人民,卻似乎早為獨裁者的巧言令色矇蔽,沉醉於暴發戶式的中國夢當中,除極少數的維權份子以外,根本無人願意直視政權之非人暴行。廿七年後再回首,六四屠城無疑標誌着中共錯失最後一個自我完善的機會。六四以後,中國與民主正式話別,民權不彰而黨政威權當道,公權力無限膨脹,貪污腐敗無所制約,優良文化日漸消亡,社會自此走上一條不歸之路。
六四屠城不獨是中國的轉捩點,更是港人主體身份建立的一個分水嶺。一方面,它扼碎了港人對中國改革開放的幻想,催生香港本位主體意識;另一方面,卻又矛盾地將港中兩地人民的命運混為一談,扼殺主體意識。多年來,維園六四集會與愛國主義互相捆縛,已成不可割裂的雙胞胎。今日,我們提出重鑑六四屠城的歷史意義,無非是要告訴各位,在愛國的囈語以外,更重要是肯定人民對自由、民主的美好追尋。而談論自由、民主,最後必然會踏上建立主體的道路,亦即今日年輕人高喊的自主自決。尤其當我們認清「黨即是國,國即是黨」之本質後,就會發覺愛國與民主兩者之間存在根本抵觸,是以「建設民主中國」斷無理由成為香港之政治議程。以愛國情懷為基調的悼念方式,亦應劃上句號。一如世界各地,中國的民主理應由在地人民爭取,港人無理要承受這份強加的責任,更不應廉價地遙距「建設民主中國」以期自保。否定港人「建設民主中國」之責任,絕不等同主張兩地公民社會斷絕來往。正如港台兩地之公民互動,香港大可與中國治下受壓迫的人民交換經驗,惟動機非出於一份不存在的「責任」。
六四,絕不只是每年一次點起燭光、哭喪哀嚎。某些政黨、政客口口聲聲說要結束一黨專政,平日卻受制於「愛國緊箍咒」,對中共政權誠惶誠恐,奉若神明,甚至為見京官而扭盡六壬,絲毫不敢挑戰中共之主權合法性。香港的政治問題從來只有一個,就是關於代價的承受。第一次前途問題時,大部分港人以至政客皆未有汲取六四教訓,欠缺對香港主體性及主體的想像,欠缺當家作主的勇氣加上誤信中共「港人治港,高度自治」的糖衣毒藥,香港民主進程因而一再耽誤。可惜歷史沒有如果,只有教訓。往日不可諫,來日猶可追,我們絕不能重蹈覆轍!
從今以後每年六四,我們遙祭六四死難者之際,請同時為被出賣的香港默哀,更要矢志為2047前途自決鞠躬盡瘁。有人說,中共奉行帝國主義,中國因素無遠弗屆,香港難以偏安一隅。今日新世代主張港人自決,決非要掩耳盜鈴,而是知其不可為而為之。面對中共壓境,香港自決與獨立運動應運而生,我們比任何潑冷水的人都要清楚當中現實考量與限制,但我們更清楚:民主必須站着爭取,而非跪着乞求。民主,從來都是自我充權、自我實現的過程,是故我們必須將身份認同轉化成抗爭武器,對抗強權壓迫,為自己、下一代謀取更大政治權利。
短短數年光景,在部份人眼中曾是無稽之談的本土思潮,今日已進入主流政治議程。的確,無人能夠斷言,本土思潮必然會引領港人走向救贖,但在時代的分岔口之上,一邊通往汪洋大海,另一邊卻是通往赤紅的地獄。對此,我們作出一個明確的抉擇:即使航向未知的前方,亦不與魔鬼打交道。同時,我們更要高聲告訴獨裁者,服從絕非毫無條件之事。香港,我們必定會拚死守護。
Patriotism only ends in hardship and panic,
We repent to misdeeds to cling on to our lives
Declaration of the Hong Kong University Students’ Union on the Tian’anmen Massacre
Twenty-seven years ago, China underwent a change in the midst of spring and summer, looking forward to the emergence of democracy and freedom. In contrary, the striking democratic movement ended only in suppression and bloodshed. Countless citizens and students deceased under the state apparatus. Those who were latterly reprised and put in jail or tortured were also hard to number. Starting the student movement in the name of patriotism, students would have never imagined their country to have been taken over by communist evil who harmed people for their own doing. Lies written in black and white can never disguise the bloody truth. Even though Hongkongers live in a slightly freer place, we, with conscience and justice, have never forgotten this history of 1989. Unfortunately, on the opposite shore of the river, the Chinese seem to have long been blinded by the dictators’ fine words and actions, drowning in the nouveau-riche Chinese dream. There is no one who combats the regime’s atrocity, except very few rights defence protesters. In retrospect twenty-seven years later, the Tian’anmen Massacre marked the last chance for the Chinese Communist to improve itself, which it had missed. After the Massacre, China bid her final goodbye to democracy. Human rights was ruined amid the heyday of the party authoritarian. While the authority expanded infinitely, corruption and collusion were out of limit. As the respectable culture was undermined, society reached a point of no return.
The Tian’anmen Massacre is not only a turning point for China, but also a watershed in Hongkongers building of sense of identity. On one hand, it destroys our fantasy towards China’s Reform and Opening Up, sparking the Hongkonger’s subjective consciousness; on the other, it, paradoxically, muddles up the destiny of Hongkongers and Chinese, knocking the subjective consciousness back down. Over the years, the Victoria Park vigil and patriotism have been chained up to be an inseparable pair of twins. Today, revisiting the historical meaning of the Massacre is to tell everyone that it is more important to recognise the pursuit for freedom and democracy, than the absurdity in patriotism. As we debate over freedom and democracy, they must lead us to a new subjectivity, which is exactly the self-determination that youngsters are now chanting for. As we have realised the truth of China being nothing but a party state, ‘patriotism’ and pursuit of democracy and freedom actually contradict one another fundamentally. ‘Building a democratic China’ shall thus not be included in Hong Kong political agenda. Commemoration based on patriotism shall also be put to an end. Similar to anywhere in the world, Chinese democracy should be fought for by no other but their own people. Hongkongers have no reason to take up such forced duty, let alone ‘building a democratic China’ from afar at such a cost in order to protect ourselves. Denial of the responsibility of ‘Hongkongers building a democratic China’ never means an end to interaction between civil societies of the two nations. Just like the interaction between citizens of Hong Kong and Taiwan, of course Hong Kong can share our experience with Chinese suppressed by the Communist. But the aim of such action must not be based on a non-existent ‘duty’.
The fourth of June should never be only about wailing and whining amid candlelight once every year. While some political parties and politicians keep on proclaiming their ideal to end the one-party dictatorship, they are yet bounded by the ‘Patriotic incantation of Golden Hoop’ day in, day out. They fear and worship the Communist regime. They do whatever it takes to meet officials from Peking, never even challenging a bit of the Communist legitimacy on our sovereignty. Hong Kong is always bothered by only one political problem. It is the cost that we can take. In face of the first Future of Hong Kong discussion, most Hongkongers and even politicians had failed to learn the lesson from the Massacre, lacking the imagination towards Hong Kong subjectivity, let alone the courage to take charge of our homeland. Together with the sugar-coated poison of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong, High degree of autonomy’, Hong Kong democratisation was only delayed. Unfortunately, there is never ‘what if’ in history, but only lessons. We may not be able to alter our past, but we still have a say in our future. We shall never make the same mistake twice.
On every 4th June since today, while mourning the deceased in the Massacre from afar, we pay our silent tribute to Hong Kong, a place which has long been betrayed, pledging our strong will for self-determination towards the future after 2047. Some may argue that the Chinese Imperialism shall only make Chinese factors ubiquitous and Hong Kong can never remain uninfluenced at this small piece of land. The new generation upholding Hongkongers’ self-determination is never an attempt to deceive, but to do something that is known to be unlikely to succeed. As a result of the Communist encroachment, revolt in self-determination and independence movement in Hong Kong begin. We are more than well-informed of the realistic considerations and limitation than anyone who only douses us with cold water. Yet, it is more than clear that: for democracy, we must stand and fight, but never kneel and beg. Democracy is always a process of self-empowerment and self-realisation. We therefore must turn our sense of identity into our weapon in protests. We must struggle against the regime and seek for the most political rights for ourselves, and our next generation.
Only a few years may have gone by, but the localist ideology which was once a farce in most people’s mind has already entered the major political agenda. Indeed no one can be sure that such localist ideology can usher Hongkongers into salvation. But at this fork of our age, one way is towards the deep blue sea, and the other is towards the bloody red hell. For this we make a clear decision: we may navigate to the uncharted, but we never mix with the evils. In the meantime, we must shout at the dictators that they must pay the cost if they wish for our compliance. Hong Kong, we must protect it with our lives.
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