關於 live house香港 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

［香港 中環 ］呢排成日嚟SOHO食飯都係食西餐，呢晚搞搞新意思，去食 #泰國菜 🇹🇭 H.O.P House on Peel係一間泰式酒吧餐廳🍺 店內空間不大，但勝在氣氛好chill ，有調酒師調製唔同嘅 #泰式Cocktail 🍸星期五及六晚仲有Live DJ，放工後飲杯酒食串燒聽下歌，勁爽 ！

💮 𝓣𝓱𝓮 𝓬𝓻𝔂𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓽𝓲𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓪𝓴 “𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓪 𝓻𝓸𝓷𝓰 𝓱𝓪𝓲” ($228)
#安格斯肉眼扒 烤得恰到好處，牛肉切開就見到誘人嘅粉紅色，火候控制得恰到好處 ，肉質柔軟嫩滑，同時鎖緊肉汁😋 因為泰式香料醃料味道較重，牛肉肉味稍為被遮蓋，但配搭泰式Nahm Jim Jaew辣汁，香辣惹味，我自己都好鍾意 🌶

💮𝓣𝓱𝓪𝓲 𝓑𝓪𝓼𝓲𝓵 𝓬𝓱𝓲𝓬𝓴𝓮𝓷 𝓼𝓹𝓪𝓰𝓱𝓮𝓽𝓽𝓲 ($78)
意粉可以選擇full或half，揀左半份試多d菜式🍝意粉炒得夠乾身，簡單加咗彩椒粒、蒜同雞絲去炒，辣辣地好惹味😌

💮 𝓛𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓷𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓼𝓼 𝓖𝓲𝓷𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓢𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓫 ($88)
估不到香茅嘅味道同乳鴿好夾，肉味帶淡淡嘅香料香，充滿泰式風味，略嫌乳鴿燒得比較乾身，如果juicy D會更好😅

💮 𝓣𝓱𝓪𝓲 𝓽𝓲𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓹𝓻𝓪𝔀𝓷 𝓢𝓴𝓮𝔀𝓮𝓻 ($48)
💮𝓒𝓱𝓲𝓬𝓴𝓮𝓷 𝓽𝓱𝓲𝓰𝓱 𝓢𝓴𝓮𝔀𝓮𝓻 ($28)
💮𝓝𝓪𝓮𝓶 𝓢𝓸𝓾𝓻 𝓟𝓸𝓻𝓴 𝓢𝓪𝓾𝓼𝓪𝓰𝓮 𝓢𝓴𝓮𝔀𝓮𝓻 ($36)
💮𝓟𝓲𝓷𝓮𝓪𝓹𝓹𝓵𝓮 𝓢𝓴𝓮𝔀𝓮𝓻 ($32)
點咗4款串燒送酒🍸 自家秘製泰式醬汁係精髓，每每可以令到串燒味道更加提升 🌶 虎蝦肉質爽彈，雞腿肉有炭火香，不過就偏乾咗D🤭 較為推薦Naem Sour Pork Sausage，因為 #泰國酸肉腸 屬東北菜式，即使泰國餐廳亦唔常見到，獨有既酸肉味好特別，充滿泰國街頭風味，我好鍾意😋 菠蘿串燒輕輕燒過，更加帶出果甜🍍

💮𝓣𝓱𝓪𝓲 𝓞𝓵𝓭 𝓕𝓪𝓼𝓱𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓮𝓭($118)
💮𝓜𝓪𝓲 𝓣𝓪𝓲($110)
呢度除咗常見嘅紅白酒啤酒椰青等，仲有幾款特色嘅泰式Cocktail😍Menu無好多介紹，材料只係用咗唔同嘅符號表達🤣 我鍾意Fruity D，揀咗最多水果嘅Mai Tai，店員溫馨提示酒精濃度較高，最好用芭蕉葉先攪勻 🍃 Mai Tai用上唔同嘅熱帶水果，好容易入口，果香酒香交疊，酸甜清新，帶有微微辛辣感好過癮👏🏻老公杯Thai Old Fashioned唔係太甜，酒味比較濃郁！

－－－
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喜歡自己在DJ時這樣的笑容，能跟大家分享音樂是最開心美妙的事了。

現在雖然還無法回到club或live house站上DJ台，但我會每週三、五晚上21:30固定在我的Mixcloud帳號直播喔，歡迎收看🙌🙌

今年雖然還是沒辦法去日本，但上週末可以看Fuji Rock線上直播，昨晚再穿上這件今年Fuji Rock x Gan Ban Records限定聯名Tee，也算是一種精神上的參與了。

直播前先放了我近期很喜歡的一張drum & bass專輯，Joaquim的《Flow》，直播最後放了滅火器的歌，跟我的好朋友楊大正說聲生日快樂！

最後當然照例附上歌單：

1. UNKLE/Do Yourself Some Good (Diplo Remix)
2. The Rapture/How Deep Is Your Love
3. 米米 Club/君がいるだけで ( Norihito Ogawa Disco Edit)
4. Smashing Pumpkins/1979(TK450 Edit)
5. Boys Noize Ft. Tommy Cash/Nude
6. Underworld/Born Slippy (DJ Zinc bootleg)
7. Pendulum/The Island (Steve Angello AN21 Max Vangeli Remix)
8. Rob Zombie/Dragula
9. 張雨生, 姚可傑, 邰正宵& 張啟娜 vs Justice vs The Prodigy/烈火青春 vs Phantom Pt II (Boys Noize Remix) vs Breathe (DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
10. Blur/Song #2 (Chuckie Singapore Edit)
11. Daft Punk vs. Does It Offend You, Yeah?/We Are Technologic (LightsoverLA Re-Mash)
12. Bon Jovi vs Steve Aoki & Quintino/You Give Love A Mayhem (DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
13. Junkie XL/Today
14. Roxette/Sleeping in My Car
15. Foo Fighters/Learn to Fly
16. Steve Aoki feat. Rob Roy/Ooh (Gigi Barocco Remix)
17. DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 vs 林強 vs 草東沒有派對 No Party For Cao Dong/REGENERATION vs 自我毀滅 vs 爛泥(DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
18. Kodaline/High Hopes
19. Panic! At the Disco/High Hopes
20. MAN WITH A MISSION/Distance
21. The Prodigy/Breathe (feat. RZA) (Rene LaVice Dark D&B Remix)
22. Dragon Ash/Mixture
23. 濁水溪公社/沾到黑油的肉鯽仔
24. Sugar/If I Can't Change Your Mind
25. Lush/Ladykillers
26. GLAY/SOUL LOVE
27. 1976樂團/愛的鼓勵
28. Andrew W.K./Party Hard
29. Helloween/I Want Out
30. 刺客/你家是個動物園
31. Mr.Children/くるみ
32. Muse/Hysteria
33. Limp Bizkit/Rollin
34. 黃貫中 feat. LMF/香港一定得
35. Rage Against The Machine/Freedom
36. OVDS/No One Can Stop Us
37. Dido/Thank You
38. Mr. Big/To Be With You (Ultimix by Mark Roberts)
39. The Verve/Bittersweet symphony (James Lavelle rmx)
40. 四分衛 Quarterback/雨和眼淚
41. Hoobastank/The Reason
42. BAAD/君が好きだと叫びたい
43. 滅火器 Fire EX./繼續向前行

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

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明報社評
政府根據污水樣本檢測結果，在未有相關確診個案下，向彩雲邨豐澤樓全座居民發出強制檢測令。污水病毒檢測是世界各地常用的公共衛生工具，今次是本港專家首度利用相關技術，在大廈民居尋找新冠病毒隱形病人的線索，倘若強檢結果證實有助找出無徵狀感染者，當局未來應積極善用相關工具。第四波疫情遲遲未見顯著緩和，「清零」無期，全港疫廈處處，公眾焦慮不安，政府控疫工作甩漏連連，信息發放同樣混亂，市民無所適從，當然怨聲載道。明年疫苗大規模接種，對當局將是一大考驗，政府必須盡快改善執行能力和資訊發放問題，否則必生亂子。控疫要成功，必須官民配合，決策要果斷，執行要到位，全體市民亦要堅持防疫紀律。

蘋果頭條
烽火硝煙未逝，緣起於內地野味。產自武漢的新型肺炎病毒大年初一前兩天經高鐵入侵本港，在傷痕纍纍的港人身上狠插一刀，血染百多條寶貴性命。專家曾稱香港可像台灣般完全擊退疫症，但特首林鄭月娥及問責官員死不封關，抗疫措施亦不顧現實、不理後果，限聚令、銅芯口罩、全日禁堂食、全民檢測等，連愛國名醫盧寵茂也看不過眼。2020年，視民意如無物的政府，一手摧毀港人除罩相見的盼望；2021年，還有多少人要用血淚為政權失策埋單？旺角黑布街的Joyful Dessert House，曾獲米芝蓮及「米豬蓮」認證。開放式廚房設計，就是想與客人更親近，店主高太說，3月首次實施限桌令時如同晴天霹靂，「第一日我哋冇開舖，因為唔知點搞。

東方正論
有人說，時間是最好良方，多大的困難，都會隨着時日流逝而減退，可惜這句話在特區疫情沒有應驗，抗疫差不多一年，一波未平一波又起，從來沒有平息，而且愈演愈烈，愈揭愈驚人，日前驚爆聯合醫院懷疑空氣傳播，昨日又在屋邨的污水樣本發現有新冠肺炎病毒，簡直是無孔不入，草木皆兵。再加上長期鼠患以及冬季流感，三疫夾擊，一場浩劫恐怕難以避免。

星島社論
十二名乘坐快艇潛逃離港，偷渡往台灣途中被中國海警拘捕的反修例示威者，遭拘柙一百二十八天後，其中十人昨午被押往深圳法院應訊，並當庭認罪，法院擇期宣判。事件捲入國際政治角力漩渦，包括英美等多個西方國家領事館代表企圖進入法院旁聽，但被拒諸門外，美國駐華大使館隨即發表措詞強硬的聲明，呼籲中國立即釋放十二人；中國外交部隨後亦發表聲明，斥責美方說辭罔顧事實，敦促美方立即停止利用香港問題干涉中國內政。

經濟社評
廢水不廢，港大團隊發現，彩雲邨豐澤樓的污水樣本近日持續帶有新冠病毒，意味大廈很可能有隱形傳播，促成了全港首次未有發現確診個案就實施強制檢測令。環顧歐美，大學力推的污水監測連番報捷，多地政府已投入更多資源，冀能輔助常規檢測。港大研究團隊在豐澤樓橫跨5天的4個污水樣本皆驗出新冠病毒，反而同邨疫廈明麗樓，和曾有確診者的啟輝樓之樣本，皆沒持續陽性，排除了環境污染干擾，食衞局昨天遂公布豐澤樓要強制檢測，防患未然。感染者的糞便很早帶有新冠病毒，包括史丹福大學有份的多項國際科研均發現，污水沉澱物是可靠的社區病毒量走勢指標，可於患者出現臨床病徵前長達4星期已偵測到病毒，可補足較滯後而昂貴的唾液或咽喉測試，對新冠病毒追本溯源的能力，亦彌足珍貴。