我的「南漂青年」朋友們
My "northerner" friends in the south
(English edition after the Mandarin one)
最近幾次回到台灣,都有幾位南部的鄉親要我下去找他們。過去因為「人在台北」、「沒時間」等原因而不了了之,但這次大部分時間都待在嘉義,與高雄的距離終於近到無法拿來當藉口了,於是便安排在返台第三天南下,一天之內在屏東、高雄和三組不同人馬相聚(是說可以把所有人馬全部喬到同一天內而且無縫接軌也是個奇蹟呀XD)。值得一提的是,這些友人其實都不是高雄人,他們成長求學階段大多在北部,會來到高雄、屏東是為了工作;換句話說,他們就是不折不扣的「南漂青年」。
雖然說這趟下來主要是為了訪友,但既然來了就不會放過這個大好機會,直接觀光客模式全開,順道拜訪了近年完工的新建築如高雄車站、鐵路地下化、總圖書館、會展中心、哈瑪星鐵道文化園區,還有隔壁的屏東車站、六堆客家文化園區等。相較於過去我居住南部的時候,現在的高雄改變了不少,凡是台北有的公共建築、連鎖店、特色地景,高雄幾乎也都找得到,而且高雄的可能還比台北的更加新穎精緻(畢竟是比較近期才蓋的)——尤其把台北總圖和甫完工高雄總圖拿來一比,高下立判。
既然這個城市應有盡有,在這裡生活應該也不難吧?高雄是真的又_又_嗎?XD 我和南漂朋友們很自然的就聊到他們的生活。南漂朋友們告訴我,有些差異是他們來之前從未想到過的,這些差異絕對不是像「政府長期重北輕南」、「這裡比較多人騎機車、講台語」或者「吃得到丹丹漢堡」那麼簡單,反而是一些更深層的文化差異。例如,高雄的學生,特別是第一志願的,課業壓力比起北部可能有過之而無不及,火車站前那些補習班也就特別擅於操作學生這種焦慮心理,從升高一暑假就讓學生一路補上去;此外,未婚或選擇不婚的適婚年齡男女(特別是女性),在高雄的生存空間遠遠小於台北。這些差異都讓從事面對人群工作的他們必須調整策略。(以上純屬友人轉述,若有取樣誤差煩請正統的高雄人不要鞭太兇,謝謝 :) )
無論是北漂、南漂,或者像我這樣漂過太平洋到了美國之後又先西漂再東漂,在異鄉生活從來就不容易。或許這些挑戰在選舉期間可以被拿來當悲情牌帶動民氣,選舉完之後卻是每個人日常生活中每天得面對的課題,也不是任何一個政治人物能夠輕易改變的。
On the third day of my going-home trip, I visited the second largest city Kaohsiung, about 350km south of the capital Taipei, and its neighboring city Pingtung. While Taiwan is a tiny island, this north-south difference has been a lasting topic on this land, particularly among young adults, who often have to migrate from the south to the more developed north for work. The friends I visited this time, however, are those who moved to the south for their jobs.
Outwardly, Kaohsiung is as developed as Taipei, or even more developed -- many public facilities, shopping plazas and parks were built much more recently than their counterparts in Taipei. I visited Kaohisung Station, public library, exhibition center, railway heritage park, etc and was impressed by the architectural design. While the city seems as contemporary, vibrant as Taipei, my friends told me that there are still some cultural differences they have to deal with. They told me examples about the education system and local's view on singleness. Every city has its own unique culture, and there are challenges that one may not be aware of until moving here and fully settling down.
Whether moving north like most Taiwanese, moving south like my friends, or moving over the Pacific to the USA and between east and west coast like me, living in a new city is never easy, no matter how innovative, contemporary and vibrant the city is.
mandarin jobs work from home 在 玳瑚師父 Master Dai Hu Facebook 的最佳解答
【玳瑚師父客人見證】《「八」見玳瑚師父》
THE EIGHT TIMES I MET MASTER DAI HU
(English version below)
文 / 李秋蓮 Written by Miss Lee Chew Lian
我是在二零一七年二月十一日的茶會,第一次見到玳瑚師父。那天正好是元宵節,茶會叫《元宵節風生水起茶會》。記得第一次看到師父在臉書的照片,我對他的印象不是很好,因為他的樣貌,讓我想起曾經對我不好的一位老板。後來見到他之後,才知道是我先入為主。玳瑚師父跟那位老板比起來,簡直是一個天一個地!
第一次見到師父讓我感覺到他有一股正能量,心裡就有種高興見到他的感覺。那天,他也很耐心的回答我的很多疑問。因為是第一次見到他很多禮儀我都不懂,他也有耐心的教我們。我記得他當天對我們說的第一句話,就是禮貌的重要性。
見到師父一定要向他合掌,說聲「阿彌陀佛」,鞠躬說聲:「玳瑚師父好。」,請大家切記。因為他畢竟是個修行人,所以對他有基本禮貌很重要,這樣也對你好。
當天,師父分析了我們家庭成員今年的運程。他也傳授了我們應該吃的、喝的、穿的一些知識。一場茶會,真是令我收穫無窮,正如他說他不收費,我們只需要點飲料或著食物。剛好當時是新年期間,所以也包了紅包向師父拜年。他說使用一個地方,一定要消費,因為不消費,就如佔人家便宜。我覺得很有道理。佔人家便宜會折福啊!
當天師父也對我說,我遇見他過後的日子將像柑橘一樣甜。我寫這見證,是五月十日,也就是衛塞節。我認識他已經三個月了。果然我的生活比認識他之前快樂一些,還接到好幾份工作,月薪也比以前多。這要靠我自己的努力去找,也是因為他鼓勵我要有貢獻。
第二次見到師父是在二月二十八日。那場餐會叫《餐桌的奧秘》。我得到有關餐桌的知識後,就馬上回家處理我的餐桌。睡覺的時候,就突然覺得肚子松了一下,原本腫脹的肚子好了很多。我也聽師父的話,把毛巾移去別處,原本有很多粉刺的身體部位也有好轉。沒想到餐桌與毛巾有這麼大的奧秘。對了!師父不只是分享有關的題目,他也把很多善知識都授於我們。
第三次見到師父是在三月四日。那場餐會叫《電飯鍋和熱水壺的奧祕》。師父當天分享了我們應該怎麼用電飯鍋和熱水壺。我原本是想,這麼不起眼的東西也能幫助我們嗎?我一樣聽了師父的話,當天就下載指南針應用軟件,找對的方向用熱水壺。隔天就開始煮飯,電飯鍋放對的方向。兩天後就開始有好幾個家長找我教他們的孩子。整個三月,就開始收很多新學生,忙到連好幾場餐會想去都不能去!
我總共去了八場餐會,都是獲益無窮的。
第七次見到師父是在四月十一日。那場餐會叫《桃花舞春風餐會》。我收到了一束花。那天正好有一位女子送師父花,可是她因為某些原因不能把花帶回家,所以師父就把花轉讓給我。我隔天就去買水桶,把花放進水裡拿來沖涼。後來,在電話中,師父跟我提起,把加持的花拿來沖涼可以治皮膚病。我當天就發現,一直發癢的某個身體部位已經不癢了!是的,如果您送師父花,他會把功德迴向給您,然後加持您送的花之後,讓您帶回家沖涼。
第八次見到師父是在四月十九日。那場餐會叫《圓滿父母親節餐會》。當天我因為忘記帶手機,而找不到他們還跑回家。可是,師父後來還是很慈悲的讓我繼續參加餐會。當天也是我看到師父最有慈悲心的一面。他很細心的教導我們如何為父母慶祝父母親節,還讓我更了解我父母是怎樣的人。他也解說,最大的孝不是帶他們吃喝玩樂,而是準備他們死後要去的路。這雖然對很多人而言是很不吉利的,可是對我而言,因為曾經有想過應該如何面對死亡,所以很清楚我們每一個人都要面對死亡的。我也有在想怎樣為自己死亡的路做準備,怎樣面對父母離開的那一天,所以師父的話我很贊成。過後,我就一直鼓勵我母親閱讀師父的文章,因為我覺得他的文章可以幫助她與很多人。我父親沒有臉書,我就買了師父的書給他閱讀。
我自己也還會重讀師父的一些文章,因為每一次的領悟都不一樣。
師父雖然是嚴肅,可是都是為了教好我們。認識他三個月,我認為他慈悲多過嚴肅。
.....................
I first met Master Dai Hu during a tea session on 11 Feb 2017. It was on The Lantern Festival. The tea session was called Lantern Festival Prosperity Tea Session. When I first saw Master Dai Hu's photo from his Facebook, he gave me a bad impression. This was because his looks resembled my ex-boss, who used to treat me badly. After I met Master Dai Hu, I realise I had judged a person by his looks. Master Dai Hu is very different from the ex-boss!
I can sense great loving energy from Master, and a tinge of happiness when I first met him. That day he was very patient to answer a lot of my questions. Since that was the first time I met him, I did not know much etiquette, which he taught us patiently. I remembered the first thing he shared with us that day was the importance of good manners.
When you see Master, you must press your palms together, say "Amituofo" bow before him and greet him "Hello, Master Dai Hu". Please remember this. It is because he is a Buddhist practitioner, so we have to be well mannered to him. Doing so is good for you too.
That day, Master analysed the luck cycles for all the family members this year. He also taught us what to eat, drink and wear. It was a huge harvest from one tea session. True to his words, Master did not charge any fee. We just had to order food or drinks. As that day was still within the Chinese New Year period, I also gave a red packet to wish Master well. He said we have to spend, in order to use a space in the restaurant, because if we do not spend a single cent, it would be taking advantage of the restaurant. I felt what he said was right. Taking advantage of others will take away our merits!
On that day, Master also said that after meeting him, the rest of my days would be as sweet as the mandarin oranges. As I wrote this, on 10th May 2017 and also Vesak Day, I have known Master for 3 months. Indeed my life was happier than before I knew him, I even received a few jobs and my monthly pay had increased. All these were due to my hard work to go and find the jobs, and thanks to Master for encouraging me to contribute to the society.
The second time I met Master was on 28th February. The dinner was called The Feng Shui Power of Your Dining Table. After I received the knowledge of dining table, I immediately went home to clear my dining table. When I was sleeping, I felt my stomach loosen. My bloated stomach problem was improving. I also listened to Master to move my towel to another place, part of my body which once was full of blackheads improved. I never know that the dining table and the towel got such a great knowledge to them. And yes! Master will share a lot of knowledge, which is not limited to the topic on that day too.
The third time I met Master was on 4th March. That dinner session was called The Secret Powers of the Rice Cooker & Water Boiler. Master shared with us how to use the rice cooker and water boiler. At first, I thought what could these insignificant items help us with? I did the same thing, immediately when I reach home, I downloaded the compass app and found the correct direction to use my water boiler. The next day I started to cook and put the rice cooker in the right direction. After two days, a few parents sought for me to teach their kids. Within the whole March, I started to have a lot of new students. I was so busy that I could not attend some of the dinner sessions Master held!
I have gone to 8 dinner sessions in total and received a lot of useful knowledge, reaping immense benefits from those sessions.
The seventh time I met Master was on 11th April. That dinner session was called How to Strengthen Your Personal Magnetization. I received a bouquet of flowers. That day, a lady gave a flower bouquet to Master. However, due to some reasons she could not bring the flowers home, so Master asked me to bring it home. The very next day I bought a bucket and used it to take a bath with the flowers. Subsequently, during a phone conversation with Master, he said using the flowers to bath would help to treat skin problem. That day I realized that my body part which was always itchy was no longer itchy! Yes, if you give Master flowers, he will dedicate the merits to you, perform an incantation blessing it and ask you to bring it home for bathing.
The eighth time I met Master was on 19th April. That dinner session was called The Perfect Celebration Of Our Parents. That day I forgot to bring my hand phone and I could not find them, so I went home. However, Master was kind enough to allow me to continue to take part in the dinner session. That night I saw the most compassionate side of Master. He meticulously taught us how to celebrate Mother’s Day and Father’s Day and also help us to understand our parents characteristics. He shared that the biggest filial piety is not to take them out to eat, drink and play. It is actually to prepare the path for them to go on after death. Even though this is unacceptable by most people and considered inauspicious, yet deep in my heart, I have thought about how to face death and so I am very clear that we all have to face death one day. I even thought of what to do to prepare for my own death and how I can face the day when my parents pass on. Hence I totally agree with what Master had said.
After that, I have been encouraging my mum to read Master’s writings because I feel that his writings can help her and a lot people. My dad does not have Facebook so I bought Master’s book for him to read.
I also reread some of his articles, because every time I read it, I will have a different insight. Even though Master is very strict, all he does is for our own good. After knowing him for 3 months, I feel that he is compassionate more than strict.
www.masterdaihu.com/「八」見玳瑚師父/
mandarin jobs work from home 在 初夏的東港之櫻 Facebook 的精選貼文
那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)
【2016,這就是台灣人想要的總統!】
「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
(“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”)
上面那段話,是這幾天來,最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語,鏗鏘有力,也讓人無比動容...
2016,我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統,一股溫柔的力量,卻又充滿自信與霸氣,不慍不火、不卑不亢,而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國,用來在世界永續立足,最需要的態度。
朋友們告訴我,昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章,已經被下架了。對此,我真的感到非常遺憾。(更新消息:PTT貼文者並非原譯,因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書,特此致謝。)
對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿,也許不同立場的朋友,會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心,我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此,我在網路上找到備份文章,再一次(無修改)分享給我的朋友們,需要的,就幫忙再傳播出去吧!
德不孤必有鄰,一位擅長漫畫的朋友,也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風,彷彿原景重現,對我而言,那份感動,似乎又更深了一些...
有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──
而我,只能藉此臉書一角,向翻譯者、漫畫家,跟小英總統本人,獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝!
謝謝你們,讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────
民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面,標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家, She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後,最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。
中英譯全文:
雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張
目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事:壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先
內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎?
內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影
Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”
蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋,和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響,再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛(Jamie Oliver),但是她忍不住要說,烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場,距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠,而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我,用英文跟我說:「有機的!當然也是在地的。」
This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.
對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說,這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說,這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家,博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間(她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統),得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時,跟你辯論保護主義的人。
Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.
現在,身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者,蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知(註明:這是時代雜誌記者的見解),並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但,蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時(中國占台灣出口的百分之四十),蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌,以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說:「台灣需要一個新模式」。
Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”
台灣的選民是否同意她的願景,是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小,只有兩千三百萬的人口,但是經濟因電子業,農業以及觀光業的支,以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後,被日本殖民了半個世紀;之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中,台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是,台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示:「這場選舉很重要,因為它提供了一個窗口,讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣,世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」
Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.
台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說,台灣是一個逃走的省,也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時,可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權,由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨,抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候,北京雖然沒有指名道姓,卻明顯對她大肆抨擊,說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中,這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說:「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」
To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”
對美國來說,根據《台灣關係法》,在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下,須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國,儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民,特別是年輕人,對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高,而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》(Why Taiwan Matters)一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學(Davidson College)教授任雪麗(Shelley Rigger)說:「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化,反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽,而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」
The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”
國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人,但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱(67歲),如果獲黨的提名,將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文,呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示:「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而,民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂,在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說:「有些人認為我是一個保守的人,但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時,她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說:「我可是擁有博士學位的。」
Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.
蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大,這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師,後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想,希望蔡英文要用功讀書,但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說:「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」
After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.
在台灣大學畢業後,她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律,因為她說,這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後,她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士,並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說:「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣,先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府,出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。
Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.
就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為,蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物,特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨,在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成,由民主運動的老兵所成立,這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件,當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散,而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動,蔡英文當時正在國外求學,受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士,蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家:自我克制又精確到位。
She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.
在2008年民進黨失去政權,而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻,蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下,成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解,但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時,她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子,被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」
After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”
2010年,蔡英文參與市長選舉失利,在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示,當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念,做得不夠好;雖然擁有許多好點子,但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地,一直到敗選感言,蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示:「你可以哭泣,但不能洩氣。」
A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.
2012年之後的台灣,歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後,歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄,向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式,闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫:加強區域間的連結,並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運?」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。
Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.
台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天,台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒,反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟,讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為,服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿,在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院,運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。
The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”
這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來,簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定,馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述,他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有,反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中,有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍:「台灣只有一個,賣了就沒了!」
The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”
台灣社會對於生活品質的重視,而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標,對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣,雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民,但,現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創,在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在,國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道,「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員,也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說:「兩岸互動的利益,應該要與全民共享!」
Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”
蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難,例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人,而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而,民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結,因為台灣企業大量投資大陸,而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨,以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民,但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說:「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場,又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」
That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”
這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟,尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污,經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意,確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨,但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將(J. Michael Cole)說:「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象,認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」
It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持,並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉,或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心(Stimson Center)資深學者容安瀾(Alan Romberg)說:「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場,表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政,兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」
Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.
北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高,但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後,證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷,帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩,是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月,他對一個來自台灣的代表團說,中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一,然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案,而且民調也一再顯示,絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月,習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。
Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.
兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北(當時為國民黨執政)之間所謂的九二共識,這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識,雙方承認只有一個中國,但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說,這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展,而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。
The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”
民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」,而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同,卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下,越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別,但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說,蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說:「如果她勝選,她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」
Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”
蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係,但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢?她說:「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」
Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”
蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說,民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說:「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思?』,她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻:「在收割之前,要先耕地、播種、施肥;所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了,然而他們現在卻想要收割?」
Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”
蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天,我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐,蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰,展現出低調的自信。當時,她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東,她的出生地。「妳回北京以後,告訴他們,」蔡英文說:「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei
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圖片:猜猜看,認出畫風了嗎?^^
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