關於 political party中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

在美國的眾多「中文媒體」裡，到底還有多少中共的代理人，美國司法部需要再加把勁了。⚡️⚡️

【一人一信救香港 向特朗普發信反港版國安法】

北京強推「#港版國安法」，香港即將自治全失。《蘋果》現誠邀你花幾分鐘時間，積極尋求國際社會關注。請用以下方法向美國總統特朗普表達訴求，為香港出一分力！ #TrumpSavesHK

【三大方法向特朗普表達訴求】
詳見教學請按👉：https://bit.ly/3c3PUr6

❶ Twitter｜https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump
撰寫推文，並上載請願書附圖，標籤 #TrumpSavesHK 和 @realDonaldTrump，集眾香港人之力登上Trending（流行趨勢）榜；
或到特朗普Twitter帳戶，在其與香港有關的推文留言並上載請願書附圖
❷ Facebook｜ Donald J. Trump
複製以下請願書並到特朗普FB專頁留言
❸ 白宮聯署｜http://j.mp/trumpsaveshk
網上簽署白宮聯署（須填寫電郵地址並確認核實）

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

Dear Mr. President,

Hong Kong has been through quite a bit since the 1997 handover. Even so, we have largely managed to keep our basic freedoms and liberties intact.

The future of Hong Kong changed dramatically with the May 21st announcement by the Chinese Communist Party that the National People’s Congress (NPC) will bypass the Hong Kong legislative process, as laid out in the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and will impose new laws from Beijing covering political and national security matters. Our struggle has changed accordingly.

China’s Communist Party is now canceling Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy and inserting Communist Party rule over Hong Kong. They have made their clear intent is to destroy Hong Kong’s most valuable asset, the rule of law.

Only through international pressure will the Chinese Communist Party ever reconsider this disastrous course of action. Without that pressure—and the active insistence of the United States—Hong Kong will change from a city operating under the “rule of law” to one operating under Beijing’s “rule by law.” This would be a tremendous loss for the world, including the United States, which has a tremendous investment in our city.

In Hong Kong today you are already respected as one of the few world leaders willing to confront China’s bad behavior. We now need both your public support and the diplomatic efforts of the United States to help keep our city a center of international trade and home for freedom.

Mr. President, please help us.

Thank you and God bless.

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

（中文譯本）

親愛的總統先生︰

香港自1997年主權移交以來經歷風風雨雨，儘管如此，我們大致能保有我們的基本自由和自主無缺。

隨着中國共產黨全國人民代表大會5月21日宣佈，將繞過《中英聯合聲明》所規定的香港立法程序，由北京強加新例涵蓋政治及國家安全事務，香港的未來就發生了急劇轉變，我們的鬥爭也隨之轉變。

中國共產黨現在撤銷了香港的高度自治，共產黨插手管治香港，他們清楚表明了要摧毀香港最寶貴的資產︰法治。

只有透過國際壓力，才能令中國共產黨對這項災難性的行動三思。沒有國際壓力、沒有美國的積極堅持，香港將會由一個在「法治」下運作的城市，變為在北京「法治」下運作的城市。這將會是全球的巨大損失，包括美國，美國在我城有巨大投資。

今日的香港，總統先生你已獲公認為世上少有敢於對抗中國惡行的領導者，現在我們既需要你的公開支持，也需要美國的外交努力，幫助我們城市保持國際貿易中心和自由之都的地位。

總統先生，請幫助我們。

感謝。願主保佑。

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

【一人一信救香港 向特朗普發信反港版國安法】

北京強推「#港版國安法」，香港即將自治全失。《蘋果》現誠邀你花幾分鐘時間，積極尋求國際社會關注。請用以下方法向美國總統特朗普表達訴求，為香港出一分力！ #TrumpSavesHK

【三大方法向特朗普表達訴求】
詳見教學請按👉：https://bit.ly/3c3PUr6

❶ Twitter｜https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump
撰寫推文，並上載請願書附圖，標籤 #TrumpSavesHK 和 @realDonaldTrump，集眾香港人之力登上Trending（流行趨勢）榜；
或到特朗普Twitter帳戶，在其與香港有關的推文留言並上載請願書附圖
❷ Facebook｜ Donald J. Trump
複製以下請願書並到特朗普FB專頁留言
❸ 白宮聯署｜http://j.mp/trumpsaveshk
網上簽署白宮聯署（須填寫電郵地址並確認核實）

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

Dear Mr. President,

Hong Kong has been through quite a bit since the 1997 handover. Even so, we have largely managed to keep our basic freedoms and liberties intact.

The future of Hong Kong changed dramatically with the May 21st announcement by the Chinese Communist Party that the National People’s Congress (NPC) will bypass the Hong Kong legislative process, as laid out in the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and will impose new laws from Beijing covering political and national security matters. Our struggle has changed accordingly.

China’s Communist Party is now canceling Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy and inserting Communist Party rule over Hong Kong. They have made their clear intent is to destroy Hong Kong’s most valuable asset, the rule of law.

Only through international pressure will the Chinese Communist Party ever reconsider this disastrous course of action. Without that pressure—and the active insistence of the United States—Hong Kong will change from a city operating under the “rule of law” to one operating under Beijing’s “rule by law.” This would be a tremendous loss for the world, including the United States, which has a tremendous investment in our city.

In Hong Kong today you are already respected as one of the few world leaders willing to confront China’s bad behavior. We now need both your public support and the diplomatic efforts of the United States to help keep our city a center of international trade and home for freedom.

Mr. President, please help us.

Thank you and God bless.

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

（中文譯本）

親愛的總統先生︰

香港自1997年主權移交以來經歷風風雨雨，儘管如此，我們大致能保有我們的基本自由和自主無缺。

隨着中國共產黨全國人民代表大會5月21日宣佈，將繞過《中英聯合聲明》所規定的香港立法程序，由北京強加新例涵蓋政治及國家安全事務，香港的未來就發生了急劇轉變，我們的鬥爭也隨之轉變。

中國共產黨現在撤銷了香港的高度自治，共產黨插手管治香港，他們清楚表明了要摧毀香港最寶貴的資產︰法治。

只有透過國際壓力，才能令中國共產黨對這項災難性的行動三思。沒有國際壓力、沒有美國的積極堅持，香港將會由一個在「法治」下運作的城市，變為在北京「法治」下運作的城市。這將會是全球的巨大損失，包括美國，美國在我城有巨大投資。

今日的香港，總統先生你已獲公認為世上少有敢於對抗中國惡行的領導者，現在我們既需要你的公開支持，也需要美國的外交努力，幫助我們城市保持國際貿易中心和自由之都的地位。

總統先生，請幫助我們。

感謝。願主保佑。

፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨ ፨

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

WHO 秘書長譚德塞的錯誤判斷、隱瞞、偏頗讓整個世界付出了慘痛的代價！但最可怕的是，他不知悔改，還進一步污衊台灣！世界需要更公正的WHO！這個影片我想讓全世界知道他的黑暗歷史，也請幫忙分享，讓更多人到Chage網站連署（https://reurl.cc/MvNnm4）一起下架他！🇹🇼 【以下我已翻成9種語言，歡迎你們繼續接力】

#WHO #TedrosAdhanom #Coronavirus

Director General of WHO Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus under estimated the coronavirus (COVID-19) and deceived world。World needs fair and equal WHO。Besides，Taiwan should not be excluded from WHO for any political reasons. I invite you all send your petitions and call him resign from his post.🇬🇧

Dünya Sağlık Örgütü (WHO) lideri Tedros Adhanom kendisine verilen görevi kötüye kullanarak Corona virüsünün Çin‘den tüm dünyaya yayılması sırasında hayati önem taşıyan kararları kasıtlı olarak geç almış ve virüsün zararlarının katlanarak artmasına neden olmuştur. Tedros aynı zamanda dünyanın en gelişmiş sağlık sistemlerinden birine sahip olan Tayvan’ın siyasi nedenlerle dışlanmasında da baş rol oynamaktadır. Lütfen bu duruma sessiz kalmayın ve change org sayfası aracılığı ile imza kampanyasına katılarak Tedros‘un istifasını destekleyen dilekçenizi gönderin🇹🇷

El Director General de la OMS, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, calculó el coronavirus (COVID-19) y el mundo engañado. El mundo necesita una OMS justa e igual. Además, Taiwán no debe ser excluido de la OMS por ningún motivo político. Los invito a todos a enviar sus peticiones y llamarlo a renunciar a su cargo 🇪🇸

Der Generaldirektor der WHO, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, unterschätzte das Coronavirus (COVID-19) und führte damit die Welt in die Irre. Die Welt braucht eine faire und gleichberechtigte WHO. Außerdem sollte Taiwan aus politischen Gründen nicht von der WHO ausgeschlossen werden. Ich bitte Sie Ihre Petitionen zuzusenden, um ihn von seinem Posten zurückzutreten zu lassen.🇩🇪

Generaldirektör för WHO, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, underskattade coronavirus (COVID-19) och förvillade världen. Världen behöver rättvis och jämlik WHO. Dessutom bör Taiwan inte uteslutas från WHO på grund av politiska skäl. Jag bjuder in er alla att skicka era petitioner och uppmana honom att lämna sin tjänst.🇸🇪

Генеральный директор ВОЗ Тедрос Адханом Гебрейесус недооценил коронавирус (COVID-19) и обманул этим мир - миру нужна справедливая и равная ВОЗ. Кроме того несмотря на политическую обстановку Тайвань не следует исключать из ВОЗ. Я приглашаю всех Вас прислать свои петиции и предложить ему подать в отставку🇷🇺

WHOのテドロス・アダノム・ゲブレイェスス事務局長の誤った判断、隠蔽、えこひいきは世界に大きな反響をもたらしました。 最も残念なのは、その後本人は誤りを認めるどころか、更に台湾を批判しました。 世界はより公平なWHOが必要だと思います！ この動画は全世界のみなさんに彼の隠された経歴を知ってもらいたくて投稿しました。 ぜひこの動画を拡散して、Chageのホームページにて署名をしませんか？🇯🇵

Le directeur général de l'OMS, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, a sous-estimé l’impact très déstabilisant du corona virus (COVID-19) sur le monde entier... pire encore, il nous a tous trompé ! Le monde a aujourd’hui besoin d’une OMS juste et équitable.En plus, Taïwan ne devrait en aucun cas faire l’objet d’une exclusion de cette organisation qui se dit être mondiale, surtout quand on constate l’excellent travail fait par ce petit pays pour endiguer, voire même éradiquer presque, les effets néfastes de cette pandémie sur son territoire. Taiwan va plus loin en proposant son know how et sa disponibilité à tout le reste du monde et offre son aide matériel aux pays touchés par cette maladie. Fort de ce constat,Je vous invite tous à envoyer vos pétitions et appeler le sieur Tedros à démissionner de son poste 🇫🇷

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