關於 recognize know差異 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.
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----小弟頹譯------
蓬佩奧：謝謝。謝謝你們。州長，您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣：當您在那個體育館裡散步時，說出“蓬佩奧”的名字，人們就會耳語。因為，我有一個兄弟，Mark，他是一個非常好，一位非常出色的籃球運動員。

請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊（Blue Eagles Honor Guard）及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何？ （掌聲）

也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱，我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱，由海軍陸戰隊介紹，讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 （笑聲）（按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 ）一切都很好。

很榮幸來到Yorba Linda，尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。

在這困難時刻，使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員，感謝，感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。

我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓，包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫，Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower　（尼克遜兩位女兒）對這次訪問的支持。

我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者，他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-（掌聲）-尊貴的客人，謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人，您們必須支付額外的費用（笑）。

以及那些正在觀看直播的人，感謝您的收看。

最後，正如州長所說，我在Santa Ana出生，離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭，您從沒想過我會站在這裡。

我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話，我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien，聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。

我們有一個非常明確的目標，一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面，數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。

我們的目標是明確指出，特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的，並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在，我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民，並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟，我們的自由，乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。

自基辛格（Kissinger）博士秘密訪問中國以來，到明年已經過去了半個世紀，而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。

那時世界大不一樣了。

我們以為與中國交往（engagement）將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。

但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩，看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加，因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。

我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作，並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊，包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大，甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。

從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區，我都有著與美國人心中的疑問：從與中國交往至今，美國人民這50年見到了什麼？

領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確？

這是中國對 "雙贏" 局面的定義嗎？

實際上，從國務卿的角度來看，美國更安全嗎？我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平，並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平？

看，我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理，它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展，如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀，那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續，也絕不能重返。

正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣，我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

現在，在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我想明確地說，他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情，而且他很可能是對的。

他是中國的傑出學生，冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者，正如我們一樣。

他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視，即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。

1967年，尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。

他的話是這樣的：他說：“從長遠來看，我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前，世界不會安全。因此，我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內，我們必須作出影響，而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”

我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞：“促使改變”。

因此，在歷史性的北京之行中，尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由，更安全的世界，並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。

隨著時間的流逝，美國決策者越來越多地認為，隨著中國變得更加繁榮，它將會對外開放，它會在國內變得更加自由，而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小，它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。

但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是，我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復，但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。

我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂，只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會，研究中心，高中，大學，甚至參加了家長教師會議。

我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化，後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。

我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇，只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。

前一天，Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子：萬豪，美國航空，達美航空，聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及，以免激怒北京。在荷里活，這裏的不遠處，距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者，他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。

公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。

這種企業忠誠度如何運作？奉承會得到獎勵嗎？讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說：“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”

中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密，損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。

它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。

尼克遜總統曾經說過，他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”，這正是如此。

現在，有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來，這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚，或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大，或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。

無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因，今天的中國在國內都越來越專制，並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。

特朗普總統說：夠了。

我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在，也有人堅持認為，為了對話而對話。

現在，要明確地說，我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前，我去了檀香山，與楊潔篪見面。

這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話，但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。

楊的承諾，就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣，都是空洞的。我想，他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有，特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。

正是這種意識形態，正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異，就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。

以我在眾議院情報委員會，然後擔任中央情報局局長，以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗，使我對這種中央理解成為可能：

唯一的方式　—　真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法，不是對中國領導人聽其言，而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說，他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共，我說我們必須＂不信任和核查＂。 （掌聲）

我們，世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣，促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革，因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。

我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣，把這個假象視為正常國家。

我們知道，與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的，遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議，以作為主導全球的渠道。

但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。

我們也知道，與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題，而且其中許多是由國家贊助的，因此無需追求利潤。

華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司，它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅，並為採取了相應的行動。

我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中國投資，他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。

因此，我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作，以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。

我們也知道，我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。

我們知道，解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治，擴大中國帝國，而不是保護中國人民。

因此，美國國防部加大了工作力度，擴大了在東，南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊，以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。

同樣，坦率地說，我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策，推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標，以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。

就在本週，我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館，因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 （掌聲）

兩週前，我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。

我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。

國務院- 在世界各地，各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流，只是要求公平和互惠。

但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力，他們是一個充滿活力，熱愛自由的人民，他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 （掌聲）

無論我走到哪裡，我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談，有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。

上個月在我的辦公室裡，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生，他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生，請您站起來，以便我們見到您嗎？ （掌聲）

今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生，你能站起來嗎？ （掌聲）

我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事，共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是，他們認為自己能代表14億被監視，壓迫和害怕說出來的人。

恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點，失去對權力的控制。

試想一下，如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信，並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報，那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。

幾十年來，我們的領袖一直無視，淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話，他們警告過我們所面對之政權。

我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。

但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。

但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心，因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友，破壞國內外的信任，拒絕財產權和法治。

我有信心。我之所以有信心，是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒，他們知道我們無法回到過去，美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾，悉尼到河內都聽說過。

最重要的是，我相信我們可以捍衛自由，因為自由本身是漂亮的。

看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制，要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。

是的，確實有差異。與蘇聯不同，中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是，北京對我們依賴，甚於我們依賴他們。 （掌聲）

瞧，我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代，某些陷阱（按：修昔底德陷阱）是預設的，中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的，因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣，自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它，就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習，來到這里工作，來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。

是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國，也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權，如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。

但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠，堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。

這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了，我們讓中共制定交往條款，但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。

我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線，而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實，這就是美國最近所做的事情，因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張，因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家，以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。

現在，這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此，其中一些人根本沒有能力，沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確，我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來，因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗，我們無法重複。

我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力，民主國家包括歐洲，非洲，南美，尤其是印度太平洋地區。

而且，如果我們現在不採取行動，那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由，並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈，中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。

習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴，除非我們允許

現在，這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。

因此，我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國，北約，七國集團國家，二十國集團，我們的經濟，外交和軍事力量合力，如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前，無疑足以應付這一挑戰。

也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體，一個新的民主國家聯盟了。

我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文，我問“要警醒禱告，免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意，肉體卻是軟弱的。”

如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變，共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。

確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國完全有能力領導它，

因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣，注視著獨立廳，我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。

確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔，包括中國境內的人。

確實，尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變，否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。

今天的危機已經明確了。

今天，覺醒正在發生。

今天，自由世界必須作出回應。

我們永遠無法回到過去。

願上帝保佑你們每個人。

願上帝保佑中國人民。＇

願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。

謝謝你們。（掌聲）

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)

從非典到新冠肺炎

From SARS to Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) - English version is in the second half

新冠肺炎，Novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) 新型冠状病毒肺炎，疫情越來越嚴重，被證實可以人傳人，也在武漢以外的許多地方發現病例，造成世界各國及世界衛生組織（WHO）高度關切，當然也讓很多住在中國大陸及附近區域的華人非常緊張，就好像當年的非典肺炎疫情即將再一次大爆發一樣。

目前，現代醫學還沒有找到治療新冠肺炎的方法，只能針對某些症狀來處理，疫苗的研發更是遙遙無期。怎麼辦？每次遇到這種情況，中醫就會被搬出來，這次也不例外。新冠肺炎爆發後，網上馬上有許多中醫對付新冠肺炎的文章。當然，除非哪位中醫師看過、治好過大量的新冠肺炎病例，所有的討論都是猜想、假設。然而，有些猜想及假設值得參考，有些猜想及假設卻明顯在誤導大眾。

我還沒有治療過新冠肺炎，不能大肆評論。不過，我治好過很多禽流感、豬流感、及每年流感導致的嚴重肺炎及其它病變的病人。其中許多病人是被美國大型西醫院證實為嚴重肺炎，被要求醫院或居家隔離，偷偷溜出來找中醫看診的。也因此許多病人及討論中醫的網站，希望我能針對新冠肺炎發表一些意見。

我們以前就討論過，這些彪悍的流感病毒，經過那麼多年、那麼多次的變種（mutation），每年都不一樣，東漢時期傳下來的經典中醫，根本沒有遇到過現在的病毒，怎麼可能治療如此嚴重的肺炎呢？

中醫從來就不認識病毒，也不從病毒種類的角度來思考。中醫是探討人體受到外界因素破壞，失去平衡後，身體會有哪些現象、哪些反應，根據那些現象、那些反應來調整身體狀況，期待身體能恢復到平衡狀態，把外界因素帶來的破壞減到最小。我打個半開玩笑的比方，警匪槍戰時，我們注意到壞人哪個方向來的火力強大，造成我們部署在哪個位置的警員傷亡，這時我們會趕緊重新部署人員，或者想辦法增派警力，我們大概無暇去管壞人是用哪個牌子的槍、哪個工廠做的子彈！

雖然幾百年幾千年下來，病毒變種等等的外界因素改變了非常多，人體演化的改變卻非常有限。人體的功能，無論是怎麼被破壞的，某項功能被破壞而導致的症狀、反應、後續演變，卻依然有明顯的脈絡可循。也因為如此，在很多情況下，中醫以專注人體本身平衡狀態的治療方式，反而比西醫專注在外來敵人的治療方式來得有效許多。

依據多年累積大量的臨床病例觀察，無論是禽流感、豬流感、還是每年的流感，人體敗壞的進程依然如同傷寒雜病論探討的一樣，非常簡化的說，從一般桂枝湯證、葛根湯證等的表寒，轉變到小青龍湯證等的裡寒，津液不足、水道運化失調而化熱，變成比較嚴重的大青龍湯證，或者更嚴重肺臟的寒熱夾雜，金匮要略肺痿肺癰咳嗽上氣病脈證治第七篇中的射干麻黃證、葶藶大棗瀉肺湯證、澤漆湯證、小青龍加石膏湯證等等混雜出現，搞得亂七八糟，也不再是什麼簡單方劑可以對應的。

然而，雖然進程很像，不同於一般外感的是，這些嚴重流感肺炎病情加重的改變速度快非常多，也來得猛烈頑強很多。一般的外感從桂枝湯證、葛根湯證等轉變到大青龍湯證或更複雜的病情，通常需要一兩週的時間。同時，還得病人自己非常不注意，或者醫生治療錯誤，一般感冒才會沒辦法自己好，反而變成嚴重的病症。這幾年的流感，從一開始覺得不太對勁，到嚴重複雜的病情，只需要三四天，而且有越來越快的趨勢。這大幅提高中醫師治療流感時，判斷功力及敏感度的要求，中醫師必須在許多症狀還沒有出現時，就得抓緊時間，趕緊行動，卻又不能預防過度，反而讓病情加重。換句話說，時機、劑量、藥材比例變得非常重要，稍有不慎，就無法反轉病情。

舉個例子，有些病人得了流感，咳嗽非常嚴重，痰非常多，呼吸困難。依照中醫的辨證，假如一致都是寒，舌苔白、小便清、怕冷等等，本來依照辨證論治，我們可能會開射干麻黃湯加減給病人。然而，因為流感的進程非常快速，中醫師得非常敏感，譬如看到舌苔白卻帶有一絲絲乾的感覺，就很可能得加上大寒的石膏來避免肺喪失津液，卻又不能加太多石膏，以免肺寒加重。又譬如聽到咳嗽聲音非常深沈，從肺的底部發出，又帶有膿痰的濁音，就很可能得加上瀉肺的葶藶來避免肺中水飲、痰飲大幅增加，卻又不能加太多葶藶，以免肺變得太虛弱。

我們回頭來看這次的新冠肺炎。根據有限的資訊，我們知道感染後有大約兩週的潛伏期，這段時間沒有什麼症狀，病人可能只會感到有些疲憊。剛開始發病時，很像一般的感冒，病人會發熱、乏力，並不嚴重，沒有什麼流鼻涕等上呼吸道的症狀，有的甚至沒有發熱。約一半的病人一週多後恢復，另一半的病人卻在一週後出現呼吸困難，有些病人會快速進展為急性呼吸窘迫綜合征、膿毒症休克、代謝性酸中毒、凝血功能障礙等等嚴重的問題，可能導致死亡。

從上面的敘述，我們不難發現，一開始很像一般中醫外感的桂枝湯證、葛根湯證，一半的病人也就自己恢復了，另一半的病人卻出現快速的入裡化熱現象，肺津液迅速流失，非常濃稠的痰飲沈積在肺部下方。同時，中醫認為肺為人體調節津液的源頭，肺金生水，好比天空下雨一般，而當肺的功能及津液調節出現嚴重障礙，很快就會拖累三焦水道、腎臟等的功能，導致上面提到的幾種嚴重病情。換句話說，新冠肺炎可以讓輕微的太陽證外感，迅速發展成嚴重的肺痿肺癰，再進一步瓦解人體其它功能的運作。

怎麼治療？在沒有直接治療武漢肺炎病人的情況下，我們也只能根據有限的資訊來推論，不過，以前大量的流感肺炎治療病例，可以讓我們比較有信心的面對新冠肺炎。當病人已經出現明顯新冠肺炎症狀時，大多已經入裡化熱，嚴重的肺痿肺癰。這個時候，得用大劑量的石膏清肺熱、加強肺津液運作。也得靠葶藶、大戟等把肺下方濃稠的痰飲及胸腔可能的積液去掉，痰飲積液不去，是無法修復肺家津液運作的。同時，肺氣不宣，就好像吸管上頭堵住了，吸管內的水無法上下，我們還得使用麻黃等宣肺、發陽的中藥來配合。另外，肺已經受損了，除了大動作急救外，比較穩定後，還得靠一些潤肺的藥來收尾，讓肺完全恢復。如果我們列一個可能加入的中藥單，大致有石膏、葶藶子、大戟、生半夏、麻黃、射干、紫菀 、款冬花、 生薑、炙甘草、紅棗、麥門冬、杏仁等等。當然，如前面所言，用藥的時機、劑量、藥材比例非常重要，每一個病人的差異也很大，嚴格考驗中醫師的功力與膽識，一旦判斷錯誤，不但沒有效果，反而可能會加重病情。

網上有些中醫師，說新冠肺炎或其它流感肺炎可以用板藍根清熱解毒來治好。也有些中醫師說可以用麥門冬湯等等的輕劑治好嚴重的肺炎。甚至還有些中醫師說多喝綠豆湯可以預防新冠肺炎！其實，真的遇過、治好過禽流感、豬流感等嚴重流感肺炎的中醫師，一看這些文章，就幾乎可以確定這些人根本沒有治療過嚴重肺炎的經驗，充其量只是在西醫治療下，在旁邊幫幫病人一些小忙而已。這樣的情況下，難怪中國政府平時大力推展中醫，真的有如同新冠肺炎這樣重大疫情爆發時，卻看不到中國政府大量使用中醫方法來治療病人、控制疫情。醫學是實戰的學問，沒有大量臨床病例，講得再好聽都是沒有用的，如果希望中醫真的在主流醫學裡站立起來，希望中醫真的能面對大規模的疫情，回歸最基本的臨床療效，才是最重要的，其它都只像是武術表演，而非實際作戰。

From SARS to Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19)

Written in Chinese by Dr. Andy Lee, January 21, 2020
Translated to English by Dr. James Yeh and Dr. Andy Lee, March 28, 2020

The epidemic from Novel Coronavirus is becoming much more serious. Transmissivity among people has been proven. (Note: It's now named COVID–19. The term “Coronavirus” will be used here.) Cases were found in areas beyond Wuhan. It has caused serious attentions from the WHO (World Health Organization) and many countries around the world. The residents in China and the surrounding regions are quite worried and wonder whether it will break out like SARS (2003). (Note: The article was written on January 21, 2020, before Coronavirus became a global pandemic.)

So far, the modern medical field has not found a cure for Coronavirus, but resorts to treating patients’ symptoms only. Any vaccine to treat Coronavirus is still no way in the sight. What do we do? Every time such a situation happens, the topic of using Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) is raised (at least among the Chinese communities). There is no exception this time. Many articles related to using TCM on Coronavirus have been popping up on the web. However, unless some TCM doctors who have actually treated many Coronavirus cases, all the discussion would be hypotheses or assumptions. Some hypotheses are worth considering while many others could be quite misleading.

Personally I have not treated patients cases related to Coronavirus. (Note: Shortly after this writing, the author has directly and indirectly participated in treating patients of Coronavirus successfully, and has published other later blogs which included his involvement in treating those patients. Please refer to his medical blog http://www.DrLee.us.) However, I did treat and cure patients inflicted by other viruses in the past, such as the Bird Flu, Swine Flu, and other influenza. A good amount of those patients were diagnosed as severe pneumonia by large hospitals and were required for isolation or self-quarantine. Hence many of patients and online medical forums online are asking for my opinions about Coronavirus.

As we discussed before, all these viruses from the outbreaks are either newly found or mutated from previous strands. The strand can be different every year. Therefore, people always ask how one can say that the TCM knowledge developed in East Han Dynasty (25-220 AD) would be any useful for treating the modern diseases, let alone the severe ones.

It turns out that TCM does not recognize any virus and does not deal with the concept of which type of virus is microscopically at work. TCM looks at how human bodies would become out-of-balance and react to external stimuli. Once the body is out of balance, what symptoms will exhibit and what reactions will be to adjust the body conditions to regain the balance, hence to reduce the damage to the body to the minimum. Let me take an example to illustrate: when there is a gunfight between the police and bandits, we want to see which direction the shots are coming from, causing casualties of the police force, so that we are able to adjust or reinforce the police power. We have no time to think about which brand of the guns or bullets the bandits use.

Over thousands of years, the external viruses have changed and evolved quite a bit, but the evolution of human beings was quite limited. The human body function, no matter how it was damaged, the symptoms due to the damage of the function, the reactions, and the following progression of the disease still follow certain paths. For this very reason, TCM’s focus on the balance of the human body often surpasses the effectiveness of Western medicine, which focuses more on external treats and the microscopic aspect of how human body’s cells are impacted by the external treats.

From the accumulation of many years of clinical treatment and observations, no matter it is Bird Flu, Swine Flu or other influenza, the bodily ‘damage’ and its progression by the viral attack still follow the description of the classic TCM literature “Treatise on Cold Damage on Miscellaneous Disease” (傷寒雜病論). In short summary, the disease usually starts with “Exterior Deficiency or Weakness” (表虛) or “External Coldness” (表寒), for which is matched to one of the several syndromes named with the corresponding herbal remedies such as “Gui Zhi Tang” (桂枝湯) and “Ge Geng Tang” (葛根湯). Then, the disease moves onto the next stage “Interior Coldness” (裡寒) or “Lung Coldness” (肺寒), which shows the syndromes named as “Xiao Qing Long Tang” (小青龍湯), etc. When the respiratory system is “affected by the coldness”, the body fluid function of the respiratory system gets affected. The circulation function of the lung becomes “Dry and Overheated” (燥热). This would lead to a more serious stage “Heated Interior” (入裡化熱) and would often be matched to its herbal remedy “Da Qing Long Tang” (大青龍湯). Or, even worse, it becomes so-called “mixed coldness and heat” (寒熱夾雜) in the lung. Such a complex situation was extensively discussed in Chapter 7 of the classic literature “Synopsis of Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber” (金匮要略肺痿肺癰咳嗽上氣病脈證治第七篇). At this complex stage, the illness development varies significantly among patients of different preconditions and other variants. It is no longer the situation that a simple herbal remedy can be applied to all the situations. The TCM theory illustrates various treatments by those herbal remedies such as “She Gan Ma Hung Tang” (射干麻黃湯), “Ting Li Da Zao Xie Fei Tang” (葶藶大棗瀉肺湯), ”Ze Qi Tang” (澤漆湯), “Xiao Qing Long Jia Shi Gao Tang” (小青龍加石膏湯), and others.

However, even the disease progressions are similar, the more serious viral attacks like Coronavirus can and often do progress much faster with more severe consequences than the common flu. As described in the previous paragraph, normally the disease progression of the “External Coldness” stage to the more serious “Heated Interior” stage usually takes one to two weeks. It is also often due to the ignorance of the patient or misdiagnosis and treatment of the doctor, which prevents the patient from recovering from this “catching a cold”. In the recent several years though, the time period between the time that the patient did not feel well and the time that the patient is in a serious and complex situation can be as short as 3 to 4 days. We also see the trend that this period gets shorter and shorter. In other words, the disease progression is getting much faster. This phenomenon poses a much higher demand on TCM doctors’ ability to make a quick and proper judgment and sensitivity to the subject matter. TCM doctors must intercept the disease progression before it reaches to a more serious stage, even without obvious symptoms of the next stage. TCM doctors have to timely prescribe the proper herbal remedy in terms of the type of herbs and relative dosages of herbs. Too weak a dosage could not stop the progression while too strong a dosage could worsen the condition also. A misjudgment would not be able the turn the conditions around, but hurt the patient more.

The above can be illustrated by a simple example. A patient caught flu and has symptoms such as heavy coughing, lots of sputum, and difficulty in breathing. From the TCM dialectics, with observations of white tongue coating, clear urine, and feeling chilly, etc., it is clearly caused by “Coldness”. Such a patient typically should be prescribed with “She Gan Ma Hung Tang” (射干麻黃湯) or its variations. However, due to the fast progression of the modern flu, the TCM doctor would need to pay attention to much subtle details such as the dryness of the tongue although it still shows the white coating. In this case, Sheng Shi Gao (Gypsum, 生石膏) might need to be added to the herbal remedy to make sure that the lung would not suffer dryness. Given that Sheng Shi Gao (Gypsum, 生石膏) itself is an ingredicient that is “very cold” in nature, the dosage could not be too strong to make the lung too chilly. At the opposite end of the spectrum, if the sound of the coughing is very ‘deep’, like dense sputum coming from the bottom of the lung, the herbal remedy might need to add Ting Li (Sisymbrium indicum, 葶藶) to clear up the lung to avoid too much mucus in the lung. And again, the dosage of葶藶 could not be too much to weaken the lung. (Note: Handling the proper timing and proper remedy can be a real test to the ability and experience of the TCM doctor.)

Let’s go back to the discussion on Coronavirus. From the limited information available so far, we know that there are about two weeks of incubation period after the infection. There are little symptoms during this period and the patient may just feel more tired than usual. More obvious symptoms will start like those of common flu with fever, fatigue but not too serious. Upper respiratory symptoms like running nose are less common. Some patients may not even exhibit fever. About half of the patients infected will recover over a week or so. The other half of the patients will experience difficulty in breathing, or rapid progression to acute respiratory distress syndrome, septic shock, metabolic acidosis, coagulopathy, etc. Some patients had died due to these severe conditions.

From the above description, this Coronavirus, in the beginning, is very much like the common flu and will stay in stages of “Exterior Deficiency or Weakness” (表虛) or “External Coldness” (表寒). Half of the patients infected will recover by themselves as in common cold. The other half of the patients may exhibit situations of rapid penetration into inner organs and excess ‘heat’, which causes loss of fluidity of respiratory system and accumulation of dense sputum at the lower part of the lung. In the TCM theory, the lung serves as the initial “gating factor” of body fluids. When the lung fails to serve the proper function, other organs like the kidney will be adversely affected also. In other words, Coronavirus can turn a light “External Coldness” to extremely severe “Lung Atrophy” (肺痿) and “Lung Abscess” (肺癰), which in turn will impair the function of other organs.

How to treat? Without direct experience of treating Coronavirus patients, we can only postulate from our limited information available in hand. (Note: Shortly after this writing, the author has directly and indirectly participated in treating patients of Coronavirus successfully. The treatments were exactly as outlined in this article.) From the ample experience of dealing pneumonia cases caused by flu, we are confident that we can also treat Coronavirus successfully. When patients are showing the obvious Coronavirus symptoms, most of them would have entered the stage of “Heated Interior” (入裡化熱) with “Lung Atrophy” (肺痿) or “Lung Abscess” (肺癰) to a certain degree. At this stage, we will need large dosages of Sheng Shi Gao (Gypsum, 生石膏) to clear the heat to ensure the proper fluidity function of the lung. Also, we will rely on Ting Li (Sisymbrium indicum, 葶藶), Da Ji (Euphorbia pekinensis Rupr., 大戟), etc. to clear up the dense mucus at the lower part of the lung and to remove the edema of the chest chamber. Without getting rid of the excess mucus and fluid, the lung cannot properly function. We need to use Ma Huang (Ephedra sinica Stapf., 麻黃), etc. to enhance the lung function (宣肺、發陽) and restore proper breathing. When the lung is damaged as in fibrosis, after the conditions stabilize, we need to “moisturize” the lung (润肺) to help the lung to recover fully. In other words, we will most likely use the herbal ingredients such as Sheng Shi Gao (Gypsum, 生石膏), Ting Li (Sisymbrium indicum, 葶藶), Da Ji (Euphorbia pekinensis Rupr., 大戟), Sheng Ban Xia (Pinellia ternate, 生半夏), Ma Huang (Ephedra sinica Stapf., 麻黃), She Gan (Belamcanda chinensis, 射干), Zi Wan (Aster tataricus, 紫菀), Kuan Dong Hua (Tussilago farfara flower, 款冬花), Sheng Jiang (Ginger, 生薑), Zhi Gan Cao (processed Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fisch., 炙甘草), Hong Zao (Ziziphus jujube, 紅棗), Mai Men Dong (Ophiopogon japonicas, 麥門冬), Xing Ren (Prunus armeniaca, 杏仁), and others. As we discussed in previous paragraphs, the timing, dosage, the relative ratios of different herbal ingredients are very critical. Given that there are quite some variations in patient conditions, the challenges on TCM doctors’ comprehensive knowledge, judgment and courage are unprecedented.

In those articles online, some TCM doctors claimed that Coronavirus can be cured by Ban Lan Gen (Isatis tinctoria root, 板藍根), which is believed to have natural antibiotic chemicals to “clear up the heat and toxics”. Some TCM doctors suggested using a simple mild herbal remedy “Mai Men Dong Tang” (麥門冬湯), which mainly relies on the ingredient Mai Men Dong (Ophiopogon japonicas, 麥門冬). Some people even suggested that having the green bean soup could prevent Coronavirus. In fact, those TCM doctors who have good experience of treating Bird Flu, Swine Flu, and pneumonia caused by other influenza would know that the people making those claims never had the real experience of treating severe pneumonia. They at most helped in a minor way the patients under Western medicine treatments. Under such conditions, it is not a surprise that the China government has not used TCM as the primary method of treating Coronavirus, despite its big promotion of TCM in the recent years. (Note: After this writing, Coronavirus epidemic became so severe in China that the China government changed its strategy and started to use TCM extensively in treating many mild Coronaviurs cases.)

Medicine is the science based on real treatment results. Without a good amount of successful cases in clinical treatments, it is useless to promote any fancy idea of treating patients. If we would like TCM to be respected in the mainstream medicine and to be meaningfully used in a severe epidemic like Coronavirus, it is critical to focus on the most fundamental. That’s the clinical results. Like the martial arts, unless you can fight off the bad guys, it’s just a show of fancy movements.

（http://andylee.pro/wp/?p=7169）
#當張仲景遇上史丹佛

好文推 #學院派

【台大嘻研知識專欄 - 嘻哈與女性】

嘻哈文化長久以來，往往被視為陽剛的、雄性氣概濃厚的，而此形成原因牽扯甚廣，從美國黑人自身文化中觀之，政治、經濟等社會因素的相對弱勢，整體社會的財富分配不公，亦者殖民壓迫經驗的積累，這都可作為黑人婦女在其社會群體中地位低落的成因。筆者始終相信嘻哈文化在萌芽階段，很大程度地即是黑人文化的縮影投射。那若我們欲了解女性在嘻哈社群的角色定位，那勢必得先理解後殖民女性主義的一支派─黑人女性主義（black femnism）。
黑人女性主義同時承繼了後民權運動以及第二波女性主義浪潮的影響，關注於理解黑人女性其公領域的社經地位和私領域的家庭關係所受之侵犯和壓迫。並倡議黑人女性所面臨的困境與白人女性之女權主張有著結構性的差異。讓我們回憶一下，十八世紀末至十九世紀初興起，以Mary Wollstonecraft和Margaret Fuller為代表的第一波女權運動，追求的是女性之婚姻自由、經濟獨立、以及之後的投票權力等等。但對於第三世界或是各國少數族裔的女性來說，前者所遺留下的平權追求，早為更高層次的父權資本主義體系收編，已然成了白人壓迫另一形式的轉換。白人（或者該說第一世界）女性主義往往側重於性／別分析的理論探究，並以性別抗爭為思考主軸，而忽略當地特定的殖民政治經濟脈絡。這也意味著，第三世界的女性主義者思考的不單純只是性別資源分配上的不均或是各體制中男女間的不平等，而更在意跨國權力結構中種族、殖民、資本主義等強弱關係對女性所造成的衝擊。而我們所在意的黑人女性主義在美國之歷史發展脈絡，即根源自黑人民權運動學生組織SNCC（Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee）裡頭性別間的壓迫以及因草根對抗立場的分化而生。
回到黑人社群中的婦女壓迫，有一說為黑人普遍知識水平低落造成對女性的輕視（ˊ_>ˋ）但若真是如此，那為何直至今日如白人女星Emma Waltson仍在倡導女性培力？另一更具說服力的說法，則是長期的被奴役歷史之下，為對殖民壓迫的反抗亦者說是建構自身更為堅實的文化，需要更多英勇的水牛戰士（Buffalo Soliders）[1]因此變得極度崇陽。且同時完成其強大的社群（家庭）想像，故也同樣地極度反同，排斥一切會破壞群體強大的可能性存在。以上說法當然見仁見智，但我們必須理解的是，壓迫的主要系統事實上即是環環相扣的，種族平等和性別平等之間的交叉性，往往有很多我們所忽視，得以綜合分析和實踐的發展可能。而從早年的Beverly Smith、Barbara Smith、Anne Moody，或是到今日仍舊活躍的Angela Davis等黑人女權運動的要角，自七零年代短暫籌組「全國黑人女權組織」（National Black Feminist Organization）起，仍舊不斷對黑人女性在社經困境、墮胎權爭議、以及家庭支援等各方議題投以關注。而她們的高聲疾呼，也影響了八零嘻哈世代興起時眾家女性歌手的思想形塑。
而當我們把注意力移到黑人女性在演藝事業上的展演，我們也必須很審慎地認知到，在螢幕上或是大眾傳播所製造的黑人女性形象，是整個主流社會階層（白人男性群體）為鞏固其優勢地位，並維繫其權力實踐空間，所塑造的特定刻板形象，並加諸於黑人婦女之上。這些控制性質的圖象，多會建立起性別歧視、種族歧視、和貧困形象，使人們將此類不正義視為理所當然、普通、無法避免且合乎道德的日常生活現象。支配往往也包含著定義其從屬團體，創造出一種被社會廣泛認定的既定印象，不僅是優勢群體接受這套想法，而更重要的是，使弱勢從屬團體也同樣地將此認知內化，投射於己身並貶抑自我的主體性。但撇開諸多大眾傳播有意識地性化黑人女性個體，在嘻哈音樂之中，仍有為數不少的黑人女性饒舌歌手，用自身的文字、歌唱技巧、以及舞台魅力成功奪回為男性所把持的麥克風，以及消音已久的話語權。
南佛羅里達大學教授Aisha Durham將這些女性饒舌歌手的作為定義為：「一根基於後民權運動的黑人女性情境知識，並認知其（嘻哈）可作為文化干預、對抗並動員挑戰體制的社會文化、思想、政治行動。」[2]說來饒口，直白而言，即是以流行文化挑戰舊有政治權力空間，並且同時建立一多層次文化的邊緣空間，一個以黑人女性為主體而不為侵犯的空間想像。某種程度上來講，這樣的文化挑戰反倒坐實了人們對於嘻哈文化厭女、或是性化女性的想像，換言之，此類遊走大眾尺度邊緣（白人父權體制對於女性主義反撲的容忍）也更加有效且充滿力量。
以下將介紹幾位著名的女性饒舌歌手及其經典代表作品。
Queen Latifah - U.N.I.T.Y.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8cHxydDb7o
說到經典的女權饒舌歌曲，當然首推Queen Latifah於1993年推出的〈U.N.I.T.Y.〉！唱而優則演，現在也是好萊塢一線巨星的Queen Latifah曾以此首單曲獲得1995年葛萊美最佳饒舌獨唱。而近日筆者印象最深的一次演出，則是其於2014年諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮也因馬拉拉的獲獎，而重新演繹此曲。[3]歌詞中出現：
“Every time I hear a brother call a girl a bitch or a ho
Trying to make a sister feel low
You know all of that gots to go”
“A man don't really love you if he hits ya
This is my notice to the door, I'm not taking it no more
I'm not your personal whore, that's not what I'm here for
And nothing good gonna come to ya til you do right by me
Brother you wait and see (Who you calling a bitch?)”
歌詞淺顯易懂就不多做翻譯，鼓勵女性同胞擺脫男人的貶抑，並藉著副歌中不斷吟詠的「U.N.I.T.Y~ U.N.I.T.Y~ that's a unity」呼籲女人們應當團結自主。

Lauryn Hill - Doo-Wop (That Thing)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T6QKqFPRZSA
嘻哈女神！傳奇黑人樂團The Fugees的主唱，但最為臺灣人知應是其於1993年參與演出的《修女也瘋狂2》。本身即相當關心黑人社會議題的Lauryn Hill，於其1998年首張個人專輯中，也是目前唯一的一張專輯中（悶啊！）推出了〈Doo-Wop (That Thing)〉，並在此之中點出不論男性或女性自身，也都受社會文化影響，而貶抑女性。並替被男性傷害而失去自我的女性發聲。此曲也讓她獲得1999年葛萊美最佳節奏藍調女歌手，以及最佳節奏藍調歌曲。
"Babygirl, respect is just a minimum
Niggas fucked up and you still defending them
Now Lauryn is only human
Don't think I haven't been through the same predicament
Let it sit inside your head like a million women in Philly, Penn.
It's silly when girls sell their soul because it's in"

Salt-N-Pepa - None Of Your Business
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Q96-e042bk
再來是筆者私心很欣賞於九零初相當活躍的女子饒舌團體─Salt-N-Pepa，她們推出過許多具有前衛女權思想的作品。像是這首〈None Of Your Buisness〉即挑明針對那些對女性自主性行為的批判：「如果我周末想帶一個男人回家，那不關你的事！」為女性的情慾自主做最強力的辯護。
"If I wanna take a guy home with me tonight
It's none of your business
And she wanna be a freak and sell it on the weekend
It's none of your business
Now you shouldn't even get into who I'm givin' skins to
It's none of your business
So don't try to change my mind, I'll tell you one more time
It's none of your business"
除此之外，Salt-N-Pepa於1991年的單曲〈Let’s Talk About Sex〉，正如歌名，在歌詞中大方討論性話題。並主張性不應該是個大眾話題的禁忌，人們必須正視它的存在、它的美好。但更重要的是，在歌詞的最後一段中，她們更是提到了安全性行為─保險套的必要。你能夠想像二十五年前竟然有如此思想前進的女子饒舌團體嗎？
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ydrtF45-y-g
“Let's talk about sex for now
To the people at home or in the crowd
It keeps coming up anyhow
Don't decoy, avoid, or make void the topic
Cause that ain't gonna stop it”
“As a matter of fact, sometimes it’s like that
But anyway, ready or not, here he cums
And like a dumb son-of-a-gun, oops, he forgot the condoms
“Oh well,” you say, “what the hell, it’s chill
I won’t get got, I’m on the pill"
Until the sores start to puff and spore
He gave it to you, and now it’s yours”

上述只舉了幾名相對早期，但也極具代表性的女性饒舌歌手及其作品。當然還有許多像是Missy Elliott、MC Lyte、TLC、還有Eve等舉足輕重黑人女性饒舌的先驅。到了今日二十一世紀的第二個十年，女性的聲音無論是在嘻哈，還是各個領域之中皆日益更被重視。近代女性饒舌歌手更是輩出，而關注女權議題的亦不在少數。譬如：
Azealia Banks的〈212〉
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i3Jv9fNPjgk
Angel Haze的〈Cleaning Out My Closet〉https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=olBOFLqEREI
Nicki Minaj與Beyoncé合作的〈Feelin' Myself〉
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0Kg9xRooTVk
而這批新生代的女性饒舌歌手因隨著資訊爆炸的年代躍上全球視野，而所關注的議題也與上段的前輩們有所差異。更多的LGBT議題，或是更赤裸更真實的情慾表現，嘻哈圈也同樣反映了女性主義理論流派的演進。
綜合上述，黑人女性在其生活經驗中遭遇到的挫折與困境，可謂種族與性別的交疊。而嘻哈作為一文化政治介入的倡議利器，許多女性歌手抓住倏忽即逝的麥克風並且緊握不放，疾呼出女性內心世界的憤怒和情感。對她們而言，這些機會是得來不易的，但對整個嘻哈社群來說亦然。我們受夠了大量雄性氣概的展現；我們也聽盡、厭煩了貶抑婦女的歌曲。我們滿足了大眾對於嘻哈文化的陽剛想像，也同樣滿足了自身慾望的延伸。如果你真誠地在意嘻哈、喜歡嘻哈，亦者希望它的好能為更多人所見。我想你首先該做的，當是謙卑地認知到，嘻哈的過去、嘻哈的真實、以及嘻哈的醜惡。
Peace out！

[1] Buffalo Soldiers為美國原住民給予美國陸軍第十騎兵團中的黑人騎兵暱稱，美國國會後來亦成立全黑人編制的軍團，因此此稱號成了所有黑人編制軍隊的同義詞。1983年Bob Marley的〈Buffalo Soldier〉，將此稱呼引申比喻為剛毅堅勇、具高尚人格、對抗不義的黑人鬥士。
[2]” a socio-cultural, intellectual and political movement grounded in the situated knowledge of women of color from the post civil rights generation who recognize culture as a pivotal site for political intervention to challenge, resist, and mobilize collectives to dismantle systems of exploitation."
[3] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=twv4PP4QSPM

By DJ KU da Yeast
求偶中