關於 side view中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

［時事英文］亞伯瑞（Ahmaud Arbery）槍殺案

學生有時會問我，為何該探討諸如種族主義等社會議題。答案很簡單。這些議題指出了我們社會的潛在問題，唯有開誠布公的討論與行動，才能解決這些問題。如果我們想建立一個更加包容、公平且進步的社會，那麼我們必須盡可能地將這些棘手的問題攤在陽光底下，面對它們。
　
Students sometimes ask me why social issues such as racism should be discussed. The answer is straightforward. These lessons point out underlying problems within our society that only open discussion and action can address. If we want a more inclusive, equitable, and progressive society, then we must all to our part to bring these difficult issues to light and face them together.
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
《紐約時報》報導：
　
Ahmaud Arbery loved to run. A former high school football standout, he had been jogging near his home on the outskirts of Brunswick, Ga., when he was shot and killed after being pursued by two white men with guns, according to the authorities. The authorities said he was shot after an encounter with Gregory and Travis McMichael, who had grabbed two guns and followed Mr. Arbery in a truck after he jogged past them.
　
1. a standout 優秀而顯著的人物
2. on the outskirts of 在⋯⋯的郊區
3. be pursued by 被⋯⋯追趕
4. the authorities 當局；官方；當權者
5. an encounter with 與⋯⋯的遭遇
　
亞伯瑞喜歡跑步。有關當局表示，他曾是一名高中足球的佼佼者，一直在喬治亞州布倫瑞克郊區的住宅附近慢跑，當時他正被兩名持槍的白人追趕而遭槍殺。有關當局表示，亞伯瑞是在與格雷戈里以及崔維斯遭遇後而被槍殺，他們持有兩把槍，待慢跑的亞伯瑞行經後，遂駕駛一輛卡車尾隨他。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Gregory McMichael told the police that he thought Mr. Arbery looked like a man suspected in several break-ins in the area. The Brunswick News, citing documents obtained through a public records request, reported that there had been just one burglary in the neighborhood since January: the theft of a handgun from an unlocked truck parked outside Travis McMichael’s house.
　
6. be suspected of 有⋯⋯的嫌疑；被懷疑
7. break-in (n.) 非法入侵；（尤指）入室盜竊
8. public records 公開紀錄；公開檔案
9. burglary 偷盜罪
10. the theft of ⋯⋯的偷竊
　
格雷戈里向警方供稱，他認為亞伯瑞看上去像多次於該地犯下非法入侵的嫌疑人。《布倫瑞克新聞》藉由公開紀錄的請求引述了相關文件，自一月以來，鄰近地區僅發生過一起竊盜案：有一把手槍在一輛未上鎖的卡車中遭竊，該輛卡車則停在崔維斯家外。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
For two months, the shooting received little attention outside Brunswick. As the coronavirus pandemic dominated headlines and shut down communities around the country, The Times spoke with Mr. Arbery’s friends and family, who were by then concerned the case might quietly disappear in their Deep South community, because social distancing restrictions had made it difficult for them to gather and protest.
　
11. receive little attention 很少受到關注
12. dominate headlines 佔據了頭條
13. the Deep South 美國深南部
14. social distancing restrictions 社交距離限制令
　
這兩個月來，槍擊事件在布倫瑞克並未引起太多的關注。由於冠狀病毒的大流行佔據了新聞頭條，以及全國各地社區的關閉，《泰晤士報》與亞伯瑞的親友進行了交談，他們當時都很擔心此案恐於深南地區悄然消失，因為社交距離限制令使他們難以聚集與發起抗議。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
On May 5, a graphic video of the fatal encounter had begun to circulate online. It galvanized an already growing chorus of voices calling for charges to be brought in the case. Recorded from inside a vehicle, it shows Mr. Arbery running along a shaded two-lane residential road when he comes upon a white pickup truck, with a man standing beside its open driver-side door. Another man is in the truck bed. Mr. Arbery runs around the vehicle and disappears briefly from view. Muffled shouting can be heard before Mr. Arbery emerges, tussling with the man outside the truck as three shotgun blasts echo.
　
15. a graphic video of ⋯⋯的血腥影片
16. a fatal encounter 致命的遭遇
17. circulate online 流傳於網路上
18. galvanize 激起；引起
19. run along 沿著
20. come upon 碰上；偶然發現
21. disappear from view 從視野中消失
22. muffled （聲音）變輕微（或低沉）
23. tussle with 與⋯⋯打鬥；盡力對付
　
５月５日，此一致命遭遇的血腥影片開始在網路上流傳。它激起了愈來愈多的呼聲，呼籲對此案提告。車內的錄像顯示，當亞伯瑞遇到一輛白色皮卡時，他正沿著一條為陰影遮蔽的兩車道馬路跑步，一名男子站在駕駛側敞開的車門旁。另一名男子則在車斗之中。亞伯瑞行經該車後，很快地於視野中消失。在亞伯瑞出現之前，可以聽到低沉的叫喊聲，伴隨三聲霰彈槍的槍響，並與卡車外的人打鬥。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Travis McMichael, 34, and his father, Gregory McMichael, 64, were charged on May 7 with murder and aggravated assault — two days after a graphic video of the shooting of Mr. Arbery, a 25-year-old black man, became public, and more than two months after the killing itself. The case has generated a wave of outrage and raised concerns about persistent racial inequities in the justice system.
　
24. be charged with 被以⋯⋯控告
25. murder and aggravated assault 謀殺與加重的企圖傷害罪
26. the shooting of ⋯⋯的槍擊
27. become public 公開
28. generate a wave of outrage 引發憤慨
29. raise concerns 引起擔憂
30. racial inequities 種族不平等
31. the justice system 司法系統
　
在２５歲黑人亞伯瑞槍擊影片公開後的兩天，即案發的兩個多月後，３４歲的崔維斯與他６４歲的父親格雷戈里，於５月７日被以謀殺與加重的企圖傷害等罪名起訴。此案已引發公憤，同時也加深了大眾對司法體系所固有之種族不平等的擔憂。
　
《紐約時報》完整報導：https://nyti.ms/2YYF7LJ
　
中文版報導：https://bit.ly/2Lh9uF8
　
影片出處：https://youtu.be/eJNqce1nbPM
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
May justice be served.
　
願正義得到伸張。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
［時事英文］跨越歧視：http://bit.ly/2RQdy1u
　
［時事英文］US Protests: Week of Outrage: https://bit.ly/3crULTN
　
［教育時評］對亞裔的歧視：https://bit.ly/3cr5wps
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc
　
時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
　
如何使用「時事英文」：https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
　
＃國際時事英文

▌捷克參議院議長柯佳洛去世前收到的威脅信 中英文翻譯 ▌


Prague, 10th January 2020

2020年1月10日，布拉格


►The Taiwan issue is highly sensitive. The One-China Policy serves as the political basis for China in order to preserve and develop friendly relations and cooperate with all countries in the world, including the Czech Republic.

台灣問題高度敏感。一中政策是中國與全球包括捷克共和國在內的所有國家維護和發展友好關係並合作的政治基礎。


►The Chinese government resolutely opposes any official contact between any country that maintains diplomatic relations with China and Taiwan (including any mutual visits between parliamentary representatives and deputies).

中國政府堅決反對中國之所有邦交國與台灣間有任何官方往來（包括議會代表與議員之間的任何互訪）。


►Top representatives of Western countries, including the USA, the United Kingdom, France and Germany, abide by the One-China Policy, and none of them has visited Taiwan (Jacques Brotchi, the then Chairman of the Belgian Senate, who visited Taiwan in May 2019, has already resigned from his office and received a lifetime ban from entering China).

西方國家（包括美國，英國，法國和德國）的最高代表都遵從一中政策，且沒有一個人訪問過台灣（當時的比利時聯邦參議院議長 Jacques Brotchi 曾於 2019年5月訪問台灣，其現已辭職，並令終身禁止進入中國）。


►The joint declaration on the establishment of the strategic partnership between the People’s Republic of China and the Czech Republic states that “the Czech Republic has again confirmed its observance of the One-China Policy, as well as its respect towards the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People’s Republic of China”.

在中華人民共和國與捷克共和國建立戰略夥伴關係的聯合聲明中寫道：“捷克共和國再次確認其遵守一個中國政策，並尊重中華人民共和國領土與主權的完整”。


►Whatever its form and purpose, a visit to Taiwan by Jaroslav Kubera, the Chairman of the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and as such the second highest representative of the Czech Republic, bears the marks of an official visit. That would constitute a grave violation of the recognition of the One-China principle.

捷克共和國國會參議院議長 Jaroslav Kubera 作為捷克共和國第二層級的最高政治代表，若訪問台灣，無論其形式及目的為何，此舉都將被視為是官方正式的外交出訪，具有不可逆的政治意義。此舉將嚴重違反對於 “一中原則” 的承認。 **（bears the marks of 留下印記這裡我試試看有別於字面上的翻法！不知道有沒有更好地翻法？）**


►The Chinese-Czech strategic partnership has been continuously developing over the last few years, thus bringing tangible benefits to Czech enterprises. China has already become the largest foreign market for many Czech companies, such as Škoda Auto, Home Credit Group, Klavíry Petrof and others.

近年來，中捷戰略夥伴關係不斷發展，為捷克企業帶來了實質的利益。對於許多捷克公司（例如 汽車製造商 Škoda Auto，捷信集團 Home Credit Group，佩卓夫鋼琴 Klavíry Petrof 等），中國已經成為最大的國外市場。


►A potential visit to Taiwan by Chairman Kubera would seriously hurt the feelings of the Chinese people, damage the friendly atmosphere of cooperation between China and the Czech Republic, the Czech Republic’s reputation among the Chinese public and the interests of the Czech Republic.

Kubera 議長可能對台灣進行的訪問將嚴重損害中國人民的感情，損害中國與捷克共和國之間的友好合作氣氛、捷克共和國在中國公眾中的聲譽以及捷克共和國的利益。


►Czech enterprises whose representatives visit Taiwan with Chairman Kubera will not be welcome in China or by the Chinese people. Czech enterprises with economic interests in China will have to pay for Chairman Kubera’s visit to Taiwan.

與 Kubera 議長一起訪問台灣的捷克企業代表，將不被中國與中國人民歡迎。在中國具有經濟利益的捷克企業將為 Kubera 議長對台灣的訪問付出代價。


►Chairman Kubera’s visit to Taiwan will not benefit anyone. We hope that the Czech side will observe the One-China policy and cancel this visit, thus avoiding damaging Chinese-Czech relations.

Kubera 議長對台灣的訪問將不會使任何人受益。我們希望捷克方面遵守一中政策並取消此次訪問，以免破壞中捷關係。




►Attn.: Office of the President of the Czech Republic

收信者：捷克共和國總統辦公室


►Prague

布拉格


►[Seal of the Office of the President in Czech Republic confirming receipt on 13th January 2020]

[捷克共和國總統辦公室印章，確認於2020年1月13日收到]


►[Seal of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Czech Republic]

[中華人民共和國駐捷克共和國大使館印章]

══════════════════════



-
https://sinopsis.cz/en/embassy-threats/… （★ 接下來有這個星號的都是這個連結裡的內容）

一直找不到全信的中文內容，有點煩躁，所以我在上面那個網址找到了這封捷克語威脅信的全文英文翻譯，然後就自己努力地翻成中文了（本人非外交或外文專業，翻譯內容可能有誤，請多指教😓），如果大家需要的話可以直接轉發。


★ 連結中寫道：“The threatening letter eschews diplomatic protocol; it is written as a series of “bullet points”, lacking even a salutation. It appears to have been translated by a non-native speaker, from a Chinese original into nearly flawless Czech.”

此封威脅信不以外交禮儀寫成；而是使用條列式列出了一系列要點，信中甚至沒有收信人的稱呼（一般書信在開頭會有 Dear xx）。它似乎是由非母語人士翻譯而成的，從原本的中文翻譯成了近乎完美的捷克語。


★ “In 2019, the chairman of the Czech Senate, Jaroslav Kubera, announced a trip to Taiwan as head of a business delegation. Various voices in local politics criticised these plans out loud, most notably the country’s CCP-friendly president Miloš Zeman, who said Kubera’s Taiwan visit would mean the end of their friendship. The PRC’s direct attempt to prevent the visit was not, however, made through public channels.”

2019年，捷克參議院主席 Jaroslav Kubera 宣布作為商務代表團團長前往台灣。地方政治上出現了各種聲音大聲批評了此計劃，最值得注意的是捷克的親中總統 Miloš Zeman，他表示，柯佳洛議長對台灣的訪問將意味著中捷兩國友誼的終結。然而，中國嘗試阻止訪問的直接方法並不是透過公開透明的管道。


★ 據捷克媒體 Aktuálně 於2/19的報導（source: https://zpravy.aktualne.cz/…/r~3602b9ba51a711eaa5e40cc47ab…/）
重點節錄：這封信經過了捷克總統府，並隨信附有捷克總統府對外辦公室主任 *Rudolf Jindrák* 的評論，最後轉交給了柯佳洛。信件發出後的第七天，柯佳洛去世了，這封信在他的辦公室裡被發現。


*（💥 查資料的過程中不小心翻到這位 Rudolf Jindrák 似乎有過共產黨背景...... https://taiwantrc.org/捷克駐德大使被指曾是共黨軍情系統同路人/ 這篇是2010年的...不確定現在的情形，但我google到的時候真的有覺得不太對勁...）


（然後請大家不要曲解意思，我沒有說是這封信害死了柯佳洛，只寫了這是他去世之前收到的威脅信，這裡的威脅指的是對於捷克外交和經濟上的。）


-\-\-

📌 推薦閱讀：
（補一些捷克與中國過去在政治外交上的脈絡）

👉大國都不敢，為什麼就布拉格敢這麼挺台灣？
https://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action…

👉總統親中，為何布拉格卻敢跟台北簽姊妹市？看懂捷克的反中浪潮
https://www.businessweekly.com.tw/international/blog/3001569

👉「一中政策」與「一中原則」，兩者有何不同？
https://www.rti.org.tw/news/view/id/2002582
https://uc.watchout.tw/read/7JQGgKA3eVkzIeEtpsHD

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

《Sleepless Nights》
雪の降る街
作詞：aimerrhythm
作曲：黒田晃太郎
編曲：玉井健二、釣俊輔
歌：Aimer
翻譯：夏德爾
English Translation: Thaerin

版權聲明:
本頻道不握有任何音樂所有權，亦無任何營利，一切僅為推廣用途。音樂所有權歸原始創作者所有。請支持正版。

Copyright Info:
Be aware this channel is for promotion purpose only without any illegal profit. All music's ownership belongs to the original creators.
Please support the original creator.

すべての権利は正当な所有者/作成者に帰属します。あなたがこの音楽（または画像）の作成者で、この動画に使用されたくない場合はメッセージまたはこのYoutubeチャンネルの概要のメールアドレスにご連絡ください。私はすぐに削除します。

如果你喜歡我的影片，不妨按下喜歡和訂閱，你的支持就是我創作的最大原動力！
If you like my videos, please click like and subscribe! Thx :)

粉絲團隨時獲得最新訊息！
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

Check my Facebook page for more information!
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

背景 / Background - カントク(Kantoku) :
https://i.imgur.com/rOH1jqt.jpg

中文翻譯 / Chinese Translation :
https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=1838209

英文翻譯 / English Translation :
https://www.lyrical-nonsense.com/lyrics/aimer/yuki-no-furu-machi/

日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
恋しくて ただ恋しくて 今
粉雪が街を包みこんだ

会えなくなって はじめて気が付いた
大切なコト 傍にいたコト
灰色の空 冷たい風が吹き付ける
キミの呼ぶ声 聞こえる気がするのはどうして?

ため息は白んで
季節はめぐる 立ち尽くす心残したまま

恋しくて ただ恋しくて 今
粉雪が街を包みこんだ
どうして? 生まれたての想いが そっと手のひらで溶けてゆく

かじかんだ指 吐息で温めた
愛しく想う あのぬくもり
ひとりになって 3度目の冬が来た
伝えたいのは 「元気でいるよ」と それだけ

大切な思い出
降り積もる雪のように また景色を染めていく

恋しくて ただ恋しくて 今
粉雪がナミダ包みこんだ
どうして? 突然で切なくて そっと濡れた頬を冷やしてく

目の前に今も浮かぶ
駅のホーム キミは涙こらえながら笑ってた

あと少しだけ 切ない冬の中で
二人きり 夢見ていたかった
そうだよ この雪がやむ頃には
きっとまた歩いていけるよ

中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
是如此讓人心動，現在是如此的惹人愛戀
在這樣的情緒裡，細雪正緩緩的，將城市擁進懷中

在無法見面之後，才初次察覺
那些重要的瑣事，還有你在我身旁這件事情
灰白的天空底下，風捎來的僅是冰冷
而在風中是為何，會聽見你呼喚我的聲音？

嘆息的白模糊了眼前的景色
季節總會變遷，僅是留下了窮途末路的那顆心

是如此讓人心動，現在只是如此的惹人愛戀
在這樣的情緒裡，細雪正緩緩的，將城市擁進懷中
為什麼？才剛萌生的這份思念，卻只能悄悄的在手心中融化

用吐息驅趕指縫間的冬寒
那時的溫暖是如此讓人愛戀
行單隻影後的第三個冬天也即將到來
想要和你說的，也只是「我現在過的很快樂」如此而已

那重要的種種回憶
就像是積雪一樣，再一次的改變了眼前的所有景色

是如此讓人動容，現在只是如此的惹人愛戀
在這樣的思念裡，細雪正緩緩的融化眼淚
到底是為什麼？這份突如其來的寂寞，就這麼冰冷了濕潤的臉頰

是的即使是現在我也歷歷在目
你就站在車站前忍著眼淚，微笑著

請你還不要離開，在這寂寒的冬夜裡
我是曾夢想能在你的身旁
是的，就一場雪的時間，在這場雪停止的時候
我肯定，可以釋懷的吧

英文歌詞 / English Lyrics :
I’m so in love… I’m so in love, that powdered snow just enveloped this city…

Once I wasn’t able to see you, I began to notice,
That I had something so precious by my side.
Through a grey sky, a cool wind blows,
But why is it I feel like I can hear your voice calling to me?

My breath turns white,
And the seasons pass, leaving behind my heart in a stand-still.

I’m so in love… I’m so in love, that powdered snow just enveloped this city –
I wonder why? These freshly born emotions melt slowly away within the palm of my hand…

Biting my finger, I heated it with my breath,
Recalling that warmth fondly.
The third winter since I’ve been alone comes around,
And what I’m wanting to say to you is, “I’m doing well” – that’s all!

Those precious memories,
Pile up like snow… once again coloring this scenery.

I’m so in love… I’m so in love, that powdered snow just enveloped my tears –
I wonder why? It’s so sudden and heart-rending that it chills these drenched cheeks…

It floats up in my view even now:
On the station platform, you were smiling while fighting back the tears…

For just a little longer, within this agonizing winter,
I wanted to keep having this dream – just you and I.
That’s right – by the time this snow lets up, I’ll surely be able to move on again.

Udawalawe National Park - Ella - Nuwara Eliya

Vlog 1: https://youtu.be/Cv2qPZO_fIg
Vlog 2: https://youtu.be/v6u8svq5g_E
Vlog 4: https://youtu.be/GNGlOOCIcgI

♡SUBSCRIBE FOR WEEKLY VIDEOS ► http://bit.ly/SubscribeToEmi

♡ADD ME ON
INSTAGRAM: @EmiWong_ ► https://www.instagram.com/emiwong_
FACEBOOK: Emi Wong ► https://www.facebook.com/StayFitandTravel/

Girl in her 20s. Living in Hong Kong, working a full time office job in Marketing and making YouTube videos on the side. Also a Certified Advanced Personal Trainer.
(: MY FAVOURITE THINGS: Workout To Eat, My Family, Dog & Boyfriend

♡HELP ME TRANSLATE MY VIDEOS
http://www.youtube.com/timedtext_cs_panel?tab=2&c=UCvGEK5_U-kLgO6-AMDPeTUQ

♡ITINERARY
Day 0: Arrive to Colombo Airport, Drive to hotel in Bentota
Day 1: Bentota
Day 2: Drive from Bentota to hotel in Unawatuna + Visit Galle for the afternoon
Day 3: Unawatuna (go to the swing)
Day 4: Move to another hotel in Unawatuna (go to the swing again)
Day 5: Drive from Unawatuna to Hotel in Udalawale + Safari Tour
Day 6: Drive from Udalawale to Ella + Visit Nine Arch Bridge
Day 7: Train from Ella to Nurawa Eliya + Drive from Nurawa Eliya to Kandy (stop by Demro Tea Factory on the way)
Day 8: Kandy
Day 9: Kandy - visit Botanical Garden
Day 10: Drive from Kandy to Colombo
Day 11: Drive from Colombo to Airport

♡HOTELS & RESTAURANTS
Green View Safari Resort: https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Hotel_Review-g3577009-d11713034-Reviews-Green_View_Safari_Resort-Udawalawa_Sabaragamuwa_Province.html
Udawalawe National Park (We booked the private safari tour with our hotel): https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Attraction_Review-g674587-d447524-Reviews-Udawalawe_National_Park-Uda_Walawe_National_Park.html
Lakshmis Hotel: https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Hotel_Review-g616035-d6108893-Reviews-Lakshmis_Hotel-Ella_Uva_Province.html
Demodara Nine Arch Bridge (We took tuktuk down and back - Emi is not a big fan of hiking and she was wearing a dress ^^): https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Attraction_Review-g616035-d4137010-Reviews-Demodara_Nine_Arch_Bridge-Ella_Uva_Province.html
AK Ristoro: https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Restaurant_Review-g616035-d6821703-Reviews-AK_Ristoro-Ella_Uva_Province.html
Train from Ella to Nuwara Eliya: (our driver booked the 1st class tickets for us beforehand - do not suggest 1st class because it’s so crowded with tourists. the normal 2nd class has more space to take photos and the locals are very nice too)
Damro Tea Factory (Former Mackwoods Tea Centre): https://www.tripadvisor.co.za/Attraction_Review-g608524-d5101140-Reviews-Mackwoods_Labookellie_Tea_Centre-Nuwara_Eliya_Central_Province.html

♡OUTFITS
Dresses from https://www.blackcoralxo.com/ (15% Discount Code: EMI)
Bikinis from my haul video: https://youtu.be/1nVlwbl5AGE

♡INTRO SONG: Aarre - When We Were Young (ft. Reece Lemonius)
Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/track/14B6ipvBQ5pyP49lQ1KCjz?si=4QlubtsSS3SNKSiOFwdrkw
Soundcloud: https://soundcloud.com/aarre
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/AarreMusic/

♡WATCH MORE VIDEOS (PLAYLISTS)
WHO IS EMI ► http://bit.ly/WhoIsEmi
WORKOUTS ► http://bit.ly/WorkoutWthEmi
BEGINNER WORKOUTS ► http://bit.ly/BeginnerWorkoutsWithEmi
FITNESS & DIET TIPS ► http://bit.ly/FitnessDietTipsWithEmi
EAT (FOOD VLOGS!) ► http://bit.ly/EatWithEmi
TRAVEL ► http://bit.ly/TravelWithEmi
RECIPES ► http://bit.ly/CookWithEmi
FUN CHALLENGES ► http://bit.ly/ChallengesWithEmi
MAKE UP & FASHION ► http://bit.ly/MakeUpFashionWithEmi
廣東話片 Videos in Cantonese ► http://bit.ly/CantoneseVideosEmi
有中文字幕的片 With Chinese Subtitles ► http://bit.ly/ChineseSubtitlesEmi