[是日Startup]原意不錯,解決到問題—如果辨識度夠高的話。
TLDR:估唔估到我原本想講乜?肯定要成段由頭執過喎,如果打字快嘅(如我),自己打應該快過再要執。又,個語音辨識都唔係自己嘅,咁core competency在邊?
1. 講明先,非挑機非罵戰非抹黑。我有朋友做start up(相信大家身邊都梗有一個),我有做顧問(建議人地雪櫃買乜嘢飲都係顧問嚟嘅)(*),但絶對唔同領域,做硬件,所以唔會有任何衝突。唔好小人之心。
2. 是咁的,今日睇報紙見到呢檔嘢(https://bityl.co/3UUq),覺得個產品幾過癮,就去試下。拿,潛在客仔(我算係)會走去試,證明宣傳成功。證明信報係有人睇嘅,雖然係廢老(我),但廢老係客仔嘛(都係我)
3. 街邊阿叔都識講,start up嘅嘢,要針對個pain point。呢個東西就針對咗某啲人嘅痛點—影片配字幕。
4. 雖則埃汾唔係成日拍片,暫時都係同HomeBlogger合作(有同事後期製作配字幕真好)。但我工作都會講talk錄片。大家都知,有字幕嘅片好好多。特別係有人話埃汾講嘢好快(聽講係),至於埃汾講嘢一舊舊呀懶音呀咬字唔準呢啲,就各有主觀睇法,唔係重點。
5. 無論如何,字幕是重要的,但亦係難搞的。雖則埃汾打中文字相當快,舊文提過,我半個鐘出咗篇聯儲局減息嘅分析文,一路打一路諗,2300字(https://fbook.cc/3FT7)—但我都唔會幫自己啲片打字幕嘅。第一原因係懶,第二原因係:我好怕聽到自己把聲—以前上電視時,如果食飯或乜見到自己嘅片(有重播有錄播嘛),我會好唔自在。我亦當然唔會睇返自己嘅片,亦好少睇返自己嘅文,歌唱比賽我都唔聽返自己唱成點的(所以冇乜進步)
6. 呢個東西,話幫你gen 字幕喎,你send 條youtube link去,佢就幫你出字幕。試玩過,15分鐘嘅片(暫時免費版上限),一分鐘唔使就出到。好喎。咁就絶對解決到好多人嘅痛點啦。
7. 可惜,出嚟個效果,就認真麻麻。你都可以去玩下(https://bityl.co/3UVg)
8. 即係好似呢段片咁,估下我原本講嘅係乜?
9. 我講嘅係:零零舍舍有一隻Google就斯人獨憔悴
10. 結果變咗:零零四四九一只Gogo豆芽私人特橋水
11. 呢個準確度,應該麻麻地吧。
12. 你可以話,扯,你講嘢中英夾雜,好難認。但呢個應該係大多數香港人講嘢嘅習慣喎。
13. 你亦可以話,埃汾你講嘢尼格度鬼食泥咁,一舊舊,咬字又唔清,又多懶音。隨你點批評,雖則本人文化口試都高分,亦都算多講talk—我想講嘅係,當我講廣東話再難辨認,但1-10,1最難認10最清楚,我點都有3-4掛?你套嘢如果我講嘢都認唔到,應該有三成人都搞唔掂喎。再講一次,我唔係粵音權威,但連我都搞唔掂,你套嘢窄啲喎。
14. 當然創辦人都有講,套嘢初步階段啫,信報試用都見到要自己再執。佢話有七成,我就覺得冇啦—等於賣二手嘢廣告,九成新即係五成,五成新即係殘到仆街。
15. 另一個問題係:對我嚟講呢,反正我打字快,你叫我仲要執一輪,我不如由頭打過!!!真的,如果唔係完全唔識嘅,抄功課係耐過自己做架!正如自己作過篇係快過譯文的!你要我對返住自己把聲,我不如一開頭自己打字幕算數,我甚至懷疑可以一路打字幕一路拍片!—不如搵次試下!如果好似城寨之類有兩三個人一齊嘅,應該得,自己由頭講到尾當然難啲啦。
16. 明喎,免費版唔好咁多要求。明白嘅,唔好用免費版囉,唔鍾意呀?quit 免費版囉,畀錢囉。得唔得?O唔OK?(**)
17. 之但係收費版,er…….好似有啲貴!「唔係畀唔起,但唔抵!」「即係畀唔起」(***)。
18. 希望冇睇錯,但,$13.5 /每影片分鐘,即係一分鐘嘅片收我13.5,咁我homeblogger啲片半粒鐘,你咪收我四舊水?
19. 即係,埃汾Patreon,一個月打12篇文起碼,一篇三四千字,一個月都係收一舊水有找咋!!!係咪有良心先!(https://bit.ly/31QmYj7)(今次個廣告夠自然啦!)。真喎,一篇文我點都打兩三粒鐘,收你一蚊美金,時薪兩三蚊港紙(****),悲慘世界。
20. Premium佢話專業團隊為你修改字幕,「即係搵條友再改啦」,咁請人當然要錢。但不幸地,埃汾叔叔話你知,「其實邊個話你知售價由成本決定?」。我就覺得窄窄地啦,半個鐘片你收我400蚊嘅,我懷疑自己搵條友返打都得,仲可以即時問我。「都唔好講我去大灣區搵個營養快線哥幫我打」
21. 不過諗諗下,條友要坐定定半個鐘聽,然後再打返出嚟,可能都搞一粒鐘,咁計時薪四舊水又唔算好過份?唔知了。但我見快餐店好似五六十蚊時薪,咁打字幕,唔使演奏級唔使CFA下話。「況且你話你套嘢有七成準嘛,你執三成咋喎,唔係咩?」
22. 講返正經,如果Premium都係要人手後期執,唔係辦法,同埋會畀人覺得好似數碼驗孕棒(https://fbook.cc/3FTF),或者keyword counter扮AI咁(https://fbook.cc/3FTG)。「即係你返去搵真人去打字幕」。當你做到有客幫襯都好,但咁嘅故事,sell唔到投資者的。
23. 投資者好現實。要乜?一係好尖端嘅技術,一係自己好勁嘅算法,一係好強嘅品牌(但start up何來有品牌),一係好多人用,一係你有政府照,一係你好多錢燒可以掟死人,一係你股東好堅。否則你再巴閉好,兩嘢就畀人抄。
24. 正如訪問都有講,佢地話「相關的語音辨識系統並非團隊自行研發,而是外接第三方系統的應用程式介面(API)。」(埃汾按:唔係Google下話?)。咁其實個core competency係在人地個技術度喎,你呢度有乜value add?又AI?(原文係咁講)。識得斷句?好似窄啲喎。「一生愛錯放你的 手」點斷句?(OK,國語嚟的)
25. 總之,提高個辨識度先吧。否則我不如開個喇叭畀Google Translate,或者錄段嘢上大灣區搵營養快線哥人肉打字,應該平好多。「聽聞啲法文軟件都係去非洲搵人人工咁去做,因為非洲連乞兒都講法文」—OK,呢個係好bad taste嘅joke.但,法國啲客服同call center就真係搬去非洲的!而且唔係咩摩洛哥,太貴了。係去馬達加斯加!
26. 繼續努力吧,創業嘅嘢,唔係咁易的。但正係唔容易先會搵到錢,人人做到就唔會有extra回報啦
(*)但,呀朋友公司寫字樓呢,之前雪樻真係買埋啲完全冇撚人飲嘅古怪嘢。我好奇研究點解,卒之發現咗。因為佢搵個秘書兼打雜去買—而個秘書為咗唔使成日托嚟托去,就特登買啲不受歡迎嘅嘢!拿,所以真係買乜嘢飲都有學問架!我是企管醫生,主要醫肚。
(**)其實我第一次測試,就係拎Brian Cha段片!Kelvin Poon會變咗九分半!唔信你試下!(https://ggle.io/3QlK)。不過費事貼佢張相,陣間你地又投訴,佢又投訴。
(***)呢個句式好似係本人原創,相當有爭議。但幾有用。例如代入「坐頭等去歐洲」
(****)聰明嘅讀者睇到個謬誤啦:埃汾平均冇錯係一蚊美金篇文,其實冇添,Patreon Paypal仲要抽—但,我唔止寫畀一條友嘛!我篇文可以幾百條友睇嘛,marginal cost極低,士基拿保呀。又學到啦啦,仲唔訂?(https://bit.ly/31QmYj7)
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Ivan Patreon 狼耳街華人,一星期至少三篇港美市場評點,一個月一舊水唔使,開張一個月已近 500人訂,仲有兩篇免費試睇:https://bit.ly/31QmYj7
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[收費短片第九擊]美股科技股是否泡沫爆破?價值投資之選
課程資訊:https://homebloggerhk.com/course_detail/?code=CC009
內容:
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start up cost中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
start up cost中文 在 人助旅行與助人旅行 Facebook 的最佳解答
【徵人:免費學中文(2-4 週)】
Free One-to-One Chinese Lessons
Looking for Volunteers
(English below)
如果你有中文初學者的朋友,對於學習中文有強烈的動機,但對於課堂制式教學感到挫折,想要體驗非傳統的語言學習方式,歡迎推薦給我。
我們正在找人體驗一種可以用比較自然的模式習得語言的方法,這個過程不需要背單字和文法,而且沒有課本也不用考試,目的是沒有壓力的培養第二母語,其學習成效可持續較長的時間。
如果你的朋友符合下列條件,歡迎直接透過 email 跟我聯絡(fairyccc@gmail.com),請勿用FB私訊。
▍條件:非中文母語者且為初學者
▍年齡:18歲以上(無上限,歡迎年長者加入)
▍國籍:不限
▍時間:二到四週,每週 6-9 小時,可以馬上開始的優先考慮
▍地點:臺北市文山區 (近文山一分局)
▍要求:完全免費,只需在每堂課中以及課後給予清楚誠實的回饋
來信請你的朋友以最下面的信件格式回覆。
*如果你對用上述方法學英文有興趣,我們也有一個收費的課程(英文母語者教學),歡迎來信詢問細節。(fairyccc@gmail.com)
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Are you thinking of starting to learn Chinese? Have you tried to learn before but been left feeling frustrated by traditional teaching methods? If so, we might be able to help you.
We’re currently looking for volunteers to participate in a new course that we’re designing. It will cost you nothing to participate (aside from your own time). Our only request is that you can give us some feedback during and after each lesson.
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Our course will last from 2 to 4 weeks, for 6 to 9 hours each week (split up into 2 or 3 sessions per week). We can teach either during the afternoon or during the evening on most days. (Mornings are unfortunately not possible.)
If you’re interested, please send an email to fairyccc@gmail.com with the following details: (please note we cannot respond to private FB messages)
▍Subject: [Insert your name here] thinks learning Chinese should be fun!
▍Contents:
・Full name
・Nationality
・Age (feel free to leave this out if you prefer)
・How long have you been learning Chinese?
・Could you briefly describe your Chinese learning experience?
・Do you have experience with learning any other foreign language?
・If so, to what level?
・Could you briefly describe your motivation for learning Chinese?
・What times could you be available for lessons?
・What times would you prefer to have lessons?
・When would you be available to start?
Looking forward to meeting you!
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