【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過24萬的網紅暗網仔 2.0,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dw_kid12/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/deepwebkid/?modal=admin_todo_tour Spotify: https://open.spotify.co...
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view count中文 在 一分鐘英文小教室 Facebook 的精選貼文
The Hunger Games 飢餓遊戲
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翻譯:「非常好,第一輛馬戰車將在我倒數結束後進場,15, 14, 13..」「來了,他們來了,今年的貢物,讓人興奮的一刻阿,真的能讓你雞皮疙瘩掉滿地。」
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🔺chariot - (古時用於比賽或戰爭的)雙輪馬車、馬戰車
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🔺on my count - count指的是計算、計數,而這句話的意思是,在我結束倒數後就怎樣怎樣的意思
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也可以用作on the count,意思不變
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On the count of three, I'd like you all to stand up.
我數到三時希望你們全都起立
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🔺tribute - 貢物、貢金,或是尊崇、稱頌
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We must give tribute to all those who helped make this a free country.
我們必須稱頌那些為使這個國家成為自由之邦而出力的人
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🔺goosebumps - goose是鵝,而bump指的是隆起、凸起物,鵝皮的凸起物,鵝皮疙瘩,其實就是中文裡的雞皮疙瘩了
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通常會用get goosebumps 來表示"起"雞皮疙瘩,如果因為某事讓你覺得雞皮疙瘩,那就會使用give someone goosebumps
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You're cold - look, you've got goosebumps!
你會冷吧——你看,你都起雞皮疙瘩了
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The beautiful view just gives me goosebumps.
這景色美的讓我都起雞皮疙瘩了
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中間有空格或沒空格都沒關係,goosebumps 和 goose bumps都是可以使用的,只是要記得後面有一個s ⠀
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不過小編也不清楚為甚麼英文裡會叫做鵝皮疙瘩,可能在西方國家裡比較容易看到鵝嗎哈哈😆
view count中文 在 暗網仔 2.0 Youtube 的最佳解答
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我最高觀看次數的影片 (我為何不再拍暗網? 只說一次): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jbihKaqEEQw&t=127s
首支單曲: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UASHWB6Ai9Y
我的成長故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kdhtp6A6YJE
這位才是真正的網絡垃圾: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jlJYDx1GP-U&t=263s
Billie Eilish出賣靈魂的方法: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pfB1S2uy5Po&t=115s
日本最殘酷的直播節目: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7E81OKVX7wc
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揭發用1億成本拍Youtube片MrBeast 3個暴富祕訣
利用1億成本拍Youtube片MrBeast 3個暴富祕訣
成本$14,337,100拍Youtube片的MrBeast XX的秘密
錢錢錢錢. 錢錢錢錢. 小時候看香港電影經常出現的設定是: 建築, 購物, 娛樂, 尊嚴也是離不開 ‘錢’ 這個字. 有錢字的電影名也大把: 借錢專家, 搶錢夫妻, 慳錢家族.
反以外國用 ‘Money’ 作為主題的經典電影通常只是用來作為包裝去講主角之間的友情親情或本來人性的弱點.
這個 ‘人性’ wuy chi到現今Youtube界會給10,000元美金貼士, 100,000美元cheuy手給lo sook者, 再以1,000,000美元買一盒燻肉? 這位草根出身的22歲Youtuber到底怎麼可以花14,337,100美金 (一千四百三十三萬七千一百美元) 即是一億一千一百一十一萬六千六百八十二元港幣, 拍Youtube呢? 這個數字不計他送藍寶堅尼給自己d friend, 建設史上最高的Lego玩具, 拿來破壞ja lan的戰艦或送100,000朵玫瑰花給自己女朋友作為情人節禮物那個budget.
大家好又是我暗網仔. 就用第13集網路傳記人物MrBeast導出3個讓你可以成為他一樣的戰略. 不是只做Youtuber那麼簡單, 是2020年如何處於一個控制到這麼多錢的有利位置.
3點: 破解youtube演算法/熱門影片/如何用錢做生意
YouTube algorithm - click through rate (title usually has shock value, and thumbnail is amateur by design) and watch time
8年拍了686條Youtube片的MrBeast大部分最高觀看次數影片都是自2017年pai錢/耐力choi等影片開始. 9500萬view, 7400萬, 6900萬. 都是Youtuber夢mei yi kuw的viral video [pause video] (“Viral” 這個字意味該影片能複製到很多不同地方. ). Youtube演算法viral就會整天讓你見到 ‘他’ 迫你按下去. 大家對演算法常常會用過於複雜甚至陰謀論的解釋, 但Youtube演算法只goo兩樣東西: 觀看分鐘和click-through rate. Mrbeast利用觀看分鐘由片頭馬上來個hook講述影片大gong之後10至20分鐘最適合有: 開始, 中段, 結尾| 的影片長度, 在片尾才揭露標題吸引你進來的那一個點, 因而令觀眾別需看到最尾, 得到結果. Click-through rate又分開影片標題和封面兩個部份. Mr beast標題除了直接還常常帶著shock value, 讓人有 ‘唔係啊話’ 會按下去的感覺. 封面yun用Youtuber paddy galloway分析 ‘amateur by design’ 去解釋: ‘donating $100,000 to streamers with 0 viewers’ 封面可能過於簡單, 某一些部分還不是crop得太好, 但2019年3月Mrbeast已經有30人員工的團體幫他工作, 怎麼做不好一個簡單的封面呢? 這個故意設定是為pooy合Youtube鬆散, 業餘的感覺. 最終影片得到4400萬views. 估計Mr beast一個月賺的廣告錢高達一百萬.
The viral video forumla. How he mixed several into 1.
一goon viral影片都會有以下6大元素: 跟錢有關/極端的反應/挑戰影片/惡搞/戲劇性影片/有大Youtuber的客chuen. Mrbeast內容聰明的地方是他將幾個不同會爆的元素kuw埋一chuy. 像之前那條 ‘donating $100,000...”影片 1 (跟錢有關) 2(極端的反應) 3有點惡搞) 這條 ‘last youtuber to leave wins $100,000 challenge’ 1(跟錢有關) 2(挑戰影片) 3(有大youtuber 客cheun) 好似jup yuek一樣. 露宿者
-his universal appeal and not niche . He appeals to mainstream youtube casuals , not just his loyal fans.
他影片不停viral成功也可以歸功於他影片是大jung化影片. 3歳到80的人也會被他的影片吸引. 由如初代youtube. 是這10年Youtube才被 ‘niche’ youtuber這樣東西ching ba. 我們比較Youtube第一人pewdiepie拍的重心也是遊戲影片. 品牌上有多個死忠但比較難像Mr beast有廣泛appeal.
再比較像pewdiepie一日一片的創作者Mrbeast 因為upload的片較少反以他的觀眾每一次看到有新片知道他們花10至20分鐘看這條絕對會是高質內容. 所以mrbeast條條都有這樣一個期望的時候好容易中到演算法最想要的東西.
-talk scarcity vs habit uploading. Talk in comparison to any market, early starters get a advantage in terms of being a personality because the space is vacant. Any coming up people to the market needs to be unique to set themselves apart. )
*the most main reason is money.
如何用錢the growth stage. Invest money back into yourself.
Mr beast如何用錢是他能在Youtube suen chook上位最重要一點. 他的資金分為兩種主要收入: 廣告錢和sponsor給他的直入廣告錢.
一定不是來自他自身家庭環境. 1998年5月7號出生的Mrbeast原名 Jimmy Donaldson長大於美國Kansas州, 13歳開始用 ‘Mrbeast6000’ 帳號在Youtube拍片. 2013至2014年上載超過100條遊戲影片但只有幾千views. 到2015年7月他才到達3000個subscriber.
有趣地他初時比較多人留意的影片系列 ‘How much money do youtubers make’ 也是將自己收入公開從估計其他大Youtuber的收入. 可見他從來對錢也不是十分juek緊.
(Show interview clip 3:25)
(Count to 100,000)
(show pewdiepie pewdiepie) (show yourself) 你知道連全港最面肥Youtuber暗網仔也要抄襲他概念就知道他利害. 但肥面Youtuber收到直入廣告Nordvpn收入後是買隻lo被自己lo mo架! 而MrBeast收到直入廣告是reinvest回自己business度.
(Casey interview 7:01) 每一次Mrbeast收到廣告soing給他的chuw lo他就馬上把那一but錢放進自己的影片作爲內容. 通常是做慈善捐給有需要的人. 雖然mrbeast是付出了這but錢但由於他已經精通自己創造viral video的formula影片dim gik通常夠他賺回這but錢有dut. 但又chuey yi再度擴大自己品牌.
在這一兩年他爆紅期間這chak略特別effective因為在5步business life cycle 中他當時處於第2步: Growth stage. 一poon生意這個成長階段應該盡量推出duk po推出新產品給顧客而不是集中在賺錢的部分.
他請身邊家人朋友做幕前幕後的員工來expand比起一些只請一兩個editor甚至孤身作戰的Youtuber效率會更高.
![post-title](https://i.ytimg.com/vi/lZYYoD70QfY/hqdefault.jpg)
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