【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線
中文、意大利文演說全文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118
感謝開創未來基金會(Fondazione Farefuturo)邀請,讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言,呼籲世界繼續關注香港,與香港人站在同一陣線。
意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家,理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解,如今正值大學保衛戰一週年,以致大搜捕的時刻,當打壓更為嚴峻,香港更需要世界與我們同行。
為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況,我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿,盼望在如此困難的時勢裡,繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。
【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】
Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.
Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.
Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.
Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail
Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.
Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.
I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.
But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?
Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene
The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.
As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.
The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.
I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.
Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.
That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.
Defending freedom behind the bars
No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.
The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.
I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.
.................
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章:https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
╭────────────────╮
╞🌐https://twitter.com/joshuawongcf
╞📷https://www.instagram.com/joshua1013
╞📧joshua@joshuawongcf.com
╞💬https://t.me/joshuawonghk
╰────────────────╯
banality中文 在 每日一冷 Facebook 的最佳貼文
#冷抉擇 漢娜鄂蘭(Hannah Arendt)的著名主張「平庸之惡」(banality of evil),不曉得各位讀者作何理解呢?
是左圖的「平庸很邪惡」(整天庸庸碌碌就是一種惡,我們生而追求卓越不凡啊),還是右圖的「邪惡很平庸」(邪惡是平庸的,換句話說,到處都是,像路邊的小石頭,換言之人的惡行惡狀不是特例而是常態)。
多佐~~ 請選擇!
事實上,這個容易混淆的詞語,是因為中文具有詞性自由(轉品),和「甲之乙」有兩個合理的解讀方向所造致。但從英文我們就可以分辨,啊,提示會不會太明顯。
banality中文 在 李怡 Facebook 的最讚貼文
大規模邪惡是平凡人造成的
——《平凡的邪惡:艾希曼耶路撒冷大審紀實》
李怡
邪惡本身並非如希特勒般狂暴,而是可以平凡無奇地展現在任何人身上,並且其發揮的作用絕對不亞於血腥屠夫。大規模的邪惡不是大奸大惡的人造成的,而是許許多多平凡的、不作思考、沒有同理心的人製造的。
×××
1961年4月11日,在以色列耶路撒冷法庭中,展開一場令全球矚目的納粹戰犯審判。受審者阿道夫.艾希曼(Otto Adolf Eichmann)是納粹德國大規模屠殺猶太人的執行者之一,他雖然不是納粹政權的高層決策者,但在猶太人滅絕上扮演重要的執行角色。
艾希曼將上百萬的猶太人送上通往死亡的列車。納粹政權倒台後,他逃到阿根廷。1960 年,他被以色列特工綁架,次年在耶路撒冷受審。
艾希曼在法庭上說,我無罪。他認為因謀殺罪起訴他是錯的:「我從來沒殺過猶太人,也沒殺過非猶太人,我從來沒有下令殺人。」在獄中定期探訪他的牧師也說,「他顯然不是個狂熱的反猶太主義者。他『個人』從未有任何反猶行為。」
精神科醫師一致認為他很正常;他對妻兒、父母兄弟姊妹態度「不只正常,還堪稱為理想典範。」他認為自己只是個守法的人,他的一切行為都只是在履行職務,而他在希特勒屠殺猶太人中所扮演的角色只是偶然的,因為任何人都可以取而代之。
服從上級難道有罪嗎
美國雜誌《紐約客》邀約猶太裔學者漢娜.鄂蘭(Hannah Arendt)前去全程採訪審判,鄂蘭描述艾希曼的最後陳述:「他從來沒有憎恨過猶太人,也從來沒有殺人的意願,所有的罪行都是來自對上級的服從,而服從應該被譽為一種美德。他不屬於統治階層,只是個受害者,受罰的應該是領導階層。艾希曼說:『我不是那個被打造出來的禽獸,我是謬誤的犧牲品。』」
鄂蘭說:「艾希曼既不陰險奸詐,也不兇橫;他格外勤奮努力的原因,就是因為他想晉升,而我們無法認為這種勤奮是犯罪……. 他並不愚蠢,只是缺乏思考能力——這絕不等同於愚蠢,但卻是他成為那個時代最大罪犯之一。」
接下來,鄂蘭提出了一個關於邪惡、是非的認定的顛覆性論斷,就是一個缺乏思考的平凡人,卻產生最大的邪惡。漢娜鄂蘭書中提出:「艾希曼在臨終一刻,似乎總結出我們在人類漫長罪惡史中所學到的教訓──邪惡的平庸性才是最可怕、最無法言喻、又難以理解的惡。」
鄂蘭真正要指出的不只是邪惡的平庸,而是其原因:艾希曼之所以如此,是因為他沒有思想能力(thougtless),而這就是平庸。「大規模犯下的罪行,其根源無法追溯到作惡者身上任何敗德、病理現象或意識型態信念的特殊性。作惡者唯一的人格特質可能是一種超乎尋常的淺薄……是一種奇怪的、又相當真實的『思考無能』」。「這種脫離現實與缺乏思想能力,遠比潛伏在人類中所有的惡的本能加總起來更可怕,這才是我們在耶路撒冷應該學到的教訓。」
不思考的邪惡最可怕
她認為邪惡本身並非如希特勒般狂暴,並不只是一個有邪惡壞心的人作出的行為,而是可以平凡無奇地展現在任何人身上,並且其發揮的兇殘惡果絕對不亞於血腥屠夫。平凡的邪惡,是因為我們缺乏思考。思考等於做評斷、分別善惡對錯。思考就是要先學會從他人角度切入問題。也就是需要有同理心。
艾希曼如能假設自己是猶太人就會說出這樣的話:「我是德國猶太人,跟數百年前的祖先一樣,我在這裏住了一輩子,跟其他德國人具有同等的居住權,政府無權剝奪我的公民身分、工作、甚至性命。」但實際上艾希曼沒有這種同理心,他追隨當時的主流偏見:既然政府說猶太人不是德國人,那當然不能把他們當成德國人,政府說猶太人是壞人,他們當然絕非善類。同樣的道理,如果我們認為凡是被判死刑的人,便必定是窮凶極惡的壞蛋,或凡是使用暴力,不論施暴還是抗暴,都危害社會,如果這樣想,那便與艾希曼犯了相同的錯誤。「道聽途說」會被視為理所當然,此外,既是道聽途說便沒有人需要負任何責任。
這就是鄂蘭提出的關於邪惡的顛覆性論述:大規模的邪惡不是大奸大惡的人造成的,而是許許多多平凡的、不作思考、沒有同理心的人製造的。「在政治中,服從就等於支持。」當社會上大多數人不思考,集體的瘋狂,最終將把整個社會推向極致的犯罪。她期待社會產生具有思考能力、願意負責、勇於質疑的人民,願意設身處地、從他人立場思考問題所在的人民。而實踐這種思考模式的首要條件,便是與他人建立關係,所以鄂蘭鼓勵我們學習與他人相處,對需要援助的人伸出雙手。真正的自由來自於公民實質參與政治。
鄂蘭認為,只要我們不再質疑那些令人安心的政治常態、只要我們不再關心那些事不關己的議題、只要我們漠視他人需求,邪惡的勢力便會開始大舉擴張。在一個公民不思考、不以實質行動參與攸關公眾利益的政策討論、不對政治人物的承諾予以關注與監督的民主社會裏,民主名存實亡,自由繁榮只是社會集體的虛妄想像,無法長久延續。
政治中服從就是支持
漢娜•鄂蘭關於艾希曼審判的報導和「平凡的邪惡」的經典論述,寫成一本當時引起巨大爭議的書《平凡的邪惡:艾希曼耶路撒冷大審紀實》。她在書中的核心主張就是,只要你參與了執行,你就要負起責任,就是有罪。因此,書的最後一段她說,法官應該有勇氣說:「我們關注的重點是你實際的作為,而非就你內心和動機是否可能無罪,也並非你周圍的人是否有犯罪的可能。」「我們假設,你之所以成為這個大屠殺組織中的一個工具完全是出自壞運氣,但這不影響你執行大屠殺政策的事實。在政治中,服從就等於支持。」因此就要負擔責任:「這就是你必須被處死刑的理由,也是唯一的理由。」
這本書當時引起的另一個爭論焦點,是她書中追究與納粹合作的猶太人領袖的責任。她說「猶太領導人的角色無疑是整個黑暗故事中最陰暗的一章」。她的說法讓很多人批評她對猶太人沒有特殊的同情,批評她身為猶太人而不愛猶太人,她的回應是:「你說的很對──我並不被這一類的任何『愛』所打動,原因有二:首先,我這輩子不曾『愛』過任何民族或團體──無論是德國人、法國人、美國人,還是勞動階級,我真正愛的只有我的朋友們;其次,我所知道和相信的愛僅僅是對於一個個具體的人的愛。」
漢娜.鄂蘭1906年出生於德國,在海德堡大學哲學家亞斯培(Karl Jaspers)的門下,取得哲學博士學位。1933年納粹政府掌權後,鄂蘭流亡到法國,1941年到了美國,並於十年後成為美國公民。她曾在加州大學、普林斯頓大學、哥倫比亞大學、芝加哥大學擔任教授。1954年獲美國藝術與文學院文學獎。她的著作有《極權主義的起源》、《共和危機》、《黑暗時代的人們》、《在過去和未來之間》等。於1975年12月去世。
漢娜•鄂蘭的「平凡的邪惡」(the banality of evil)的理論思想對後世民主社會帶來深刻影響。幾年前,根據她評述艾希曼大審的事蹟拍成電影《annah Arendt》,中文片名叫《漢娜•鄂蘭:真理無懼》,電影DVD的封面有一行宣傳語:「HER IDEA CHANGED THE WORLD」—— 她的思想改變了世界。
banality中文 在 台師大人文學社- The banality of evil 的推薦與評價
The banality of evil, 意指當任何人甘於放棄對善惡是非的判斷力去贗服權威,那麼最平凡的人也可能導致最極致的邪惡漢娜.鄂蘭,平庸的邪惡,又被譯為惡的浮淺之處。 ... <看更多>