這是可口可樂於1986年找來麥肯廣告(McCann-Erickson)在英國攝製的國際性電視廣告影片「Tomorrow's People」,參與演出的兒童多達1500位,大部分兒童進行三天的拍攝工作,而其中有出現特寫鏡頭的兒童,則需要再繼續拍攝三天,以不同的語言演出其戲份。此廣告共有16種語言、21個國家等不同版本,從1986年12月開始,陸續在世界各地播出,一直到90年代中期為止。中文版本「世界友愛之歌」由香港女孩林寄韻演出,分為國語和粵語兩個版本,臺灣則是在1987年首播林寄韻所演唱的國語版本。
林寄韻生於1972年,年幼時曾參加香港兒童合唱團,於1986年(14歲時)被廣告公司挑選到英國演出可口可樂的電視廣告。她在1995年參加新城電台舉辦的DJ選拔賽並勝出,隨即在新城電台主持深宵節目;後來被當時的新城勁歌台台長陳海琪安排,與另外兩位女DJ丘凱敏及陳海恆組成女子組合「N C Girls」,曾推出EP。1996年至1997年間,林寄韻曾演出兩部香港電影《黑玫瑰之義結金蘭》、《麻雀飛龍》,然後在2000年為影音使團主演福音電影《愛‧也許不易》。之後,林寄韻致力於文字工作,曾任職於壹傳媒、東亞衛視、《Amy》、《much more》等媒體,又為《Elle》、《Cosmopolitan》、《週末畫報》、《優悅生活》等雜誌撰寫文章,曾擔任《新婚通信》總編輯及生活易 (ESDlife) 網站主編,專門撰寫婚禮籌備相關之文章。2008年,與知名音樂人黎小田之子黎兆斌結婚。2011年,林寄韻獲鄭經翰邀請,加盟香港數碼廣播有限公司任節目主持,主持婚禮節目《紛婚中需要美》,不過翌年即因電台停播而離開。近年,林寄韻與著名玄學家李居明聯手主持網路命理節目,頗受歡迎。
1987年在臺灣播出的國語版本之歌詞如下:
我擁有世界的未來
我帶來國家的希望
我是今天的朝陽
我將是明天的光芒
我們要為你高聲唱
還有份心願與你分享
讓我們一起 來攜手並進
迎向明天(迎向明天)
讓我們一起 更甜美和諧
在明天(在明天)
共享和平歡樂 暢飲可口可樂
多麼真實和親切
為了美好的明天
我們創造更好的世界
同時也有16部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過5萬的網紅Cosmopolitan HK,也在其Youtube影片中提到,最順耳一定係 #ToyStory,最驚嚇一定係 #Aladdin ,最笑爆嘴一定係 #BeautyAndTheBeast!點解?即click去1:30秒聽就知~ 立即訂閱 → https://bit.ly/SubscribeToCOSMOHK Cosmopolitan HK: https://...
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cosmopolitan中文 在 張哲生 Facebook 的最佳貼文
這是可口可樂於1986年找來麥肯廣告(McCann-Erickson)在英國攝製的國際性電視廣告影片「Tomorrow's People」,參與演出的兒童多達1500位,大部分兒童進行三天的拍攝工作,而其中有出現特寫鏡頭的兒童,則需要再繼續拍攝三天,以不同的語言演出其戲份。此廣告共有16種語言、21個國家等不同版本,從1986年12月開始,陸續在世界各地播出,一直到90年代中期為止。中文版本「世界友愛之歌」由香港女孩林寄韻演出,分為國語和粵語兩個版本,臺灣則是在1987年首播林寄韻所演唱的國語版本。
林寄韻生於1972年,年幼時曾參加香港兒童合唱團,於1986年(14歲時)被廣告公司挑選到英國演出可口可樂的電視廣告。她在1995年參加新城電台舉辦的DJ選拔賽並勝出,隨即在新城電台主持深宵節目;後來被當時的新城勁歌台台長陳海琪安排,與另外兩位女DJ丘凱敏及陳海恆組成女子組合「N C Girls」,曾推出EP。1996年至1997年間,林寄韻曾演出兩部香港電影《黑玫瑰之義結金蘭》、《麻雀飛龍》,然後在2000年為影音使團主演福音電影《愛‧也許不易》。之後,林寄韻致力於文字工作,曾任職於壹傳媒、東亞衛視、《Amy》、《much more》等媒體,又為《Elle》、《Cosmopolitan》、《週末畫報》、《優悅生活》等雜誌撰寫文章,曾擔任《新婚通信》總編輯及生活易 (ESDlife) 網站主編,專門撰寫婚禮籌備相關之文章。2008年,與知名音樂人黎小田之子黎兆斌結婚。2011年,林寄韻獲鄭經翰邀請,加盟香港數碼廣播有限公司任節目主持,主持婚禮節目《紛婚中需要美》,不過翌年即因電台停播而離開。近年,林寄韻與著名玄學家李居明聯手主持網路命理節目,頗受歡迎。
1987年在臺灣播出的國語版本之歌詞如下:
我擁有世界的未來
我帶來國家的希望
我是今天的朝陽
我將是明天的光芒
我們要為你高聲唱
還有份心願與你分享
讓我們一起 來攜手並進
迎向明天(迎向明天)
讓我們一起 更甜美和諧
在明天(在明天)
共享和平歡樂 暢飲可口可樂
多麼真實和親切
為了美好的明天
我們創造更好的世界
cosmopolitan中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
cosmopolitan中文 在 Cosmopolitan HK Youtube 的最佳解答
最順耳一定係 #ToyStory,最驚嚇一定係 #Aladdin ,最笑爆嘴一定係 #BeautyAndTheBeast!點解?即click去1:30秒聽就知~
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cosmopolitan中文 在 Cosmopolitan HK Youtube 的最佳解答
#HIIT Workout(中文:#高強度間歇訓練)是近年大熱的減肥運動,因可在短時間內高效 #燒脂操肌,特別適合沒有時間做運動的上班族!一連4集 Cosmo Fit Friday 找來 GO24 Fitness 的健身教練 Cherry Au 教大家做4min HIIT Workout,只要每日做3至4組,便可達至理想的減肥效果!全文:https://www.cosmopolitan.com.hk/cosmobody/HIIT-workout-cherry-2
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cosmopolitan中文 在 Cosmopolitan HK Youtube 的最佳解答
【金像獎大熱影后?】
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《三夫》女主角戲裏重口味戲外乖乖女:https://mycosmo.hk/2V1Cx2F
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