【#拜登就職演說全文】★中英版本★
資料來源:美國白宮新聞稿
This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day.
A day of history and hope. Of renewal and resolve.
Through a crucible for the ages America has been tested anew and America has risen to the challenge.
Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause, the cause of democracy.
The will of the people has been heard and the will of the people has been heeded.
We have learned again that democracy is precious.
Democracy is fragile.
And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.
So now, on this hallowed ground where just days ago violence sought to shake this Capitol’s very foundation, we come together as one nation, under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries.
We look ahead in our uniquely American way – restless, bold, optimistic – and set our sights on the nation we know we can be and we must be.
I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here.
I thank them from the bottom of my heart.
You know the resilience of our Constitution and the strength of our nation.
As does President Carter, who I spoke to last night but who cannot be with us today, but whom we salute for his lifetime of service.
I have just taken the sacred oath each of these patriots took — an oath first sworn by George Washington.
But the American story depends not on any one of us, not on some of us, but on all of us.
On “We the People” who seek a more perfect Union.
This is a great nation and we are a good people.
Over the centuries through storm and strife, in peace and in war, we have come so far. But we still have far to go.
We will press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and possibility.
Much to repair.
Much to restore.
Much to heal.
Much to build.
And much to gain.
Few periods in our nation’s history have been more challenging or difficult than the one we’re in now.
A once-in-a-century virus silently stalks the country.
It’s taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II.
Millions of jobs have been lost.
Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed.
A cry for racial justice some 400 years in the making moves us. The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer.
A cry for survival comes from the planet itself. A cry that can’t be any more desperate or any more clear.
And now, a rise in political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.
To overcome these challenges – to restore the soul and to secure the future of America – requires more than words.
It requires that most elusive of things in a democracy:
Unity.
Unity.
In another January in Washington, on New Year’s Day 1863, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
When he put pen to paper, the President said, “If my name ever goes down into history it will be for this act and my whole soul is in it.”
My whole soul is in it.
Today, on this January day, my whole soul is in this:
Bringing America together.
Uniting our people.
And uniting our nation.
I ask every American to join me in this cause.
Uniting to fight the common foes we face:
Anger, resentment, hatred.
Extremism, lawlessness, violence.
Disease, joblessness, hopelessness.
With unity we can do great things. Important things.
We can right wrongs.
We can put people to work in good jobs.
We can teach our children in safe schools.
We can overcome this deadly virus.
We can reward work, rebuild the middle class, and make health care
secure for all.
We can deliver racial justice.
We can make America, once again, the leading force for good in the world.
I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy.
I know the forces that divide us are deep and they are real.
But I also know they are not new.
Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh, ugly reality that racism, nativism, fear, and demonization have long torn us apart.
The battle is perennial.
Victory is never assured.
Through the Civil War, the Great Depression, World War, 9/11, through struggle, sacrifice, and setbacks, our “better angels” have always prevailed.
In each of these moments, enough of us came together to carry all of us forward.
And, we can do so now.
History, faith, and reason show the way, the way of unity.
We can see each other not as adversaries but as neighbors.
We can treat each other with dignity and respect.
We can join forces, stop the shouting, and lower the temperature.
For without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury.
No progress, only exhausting outrage.
No nation, only a state of chaos.
This is our historic moment of crisis and challenge, and unity is the path forward.
And, we must meet this moment as the United States of America.
If we do that, I guarantee you, we will not fail.
We have never, ever, ever failed in America when we have acted together.
And so today, at this time and in this place, let us start afresh.
All of us.
Let us listen to one another.
Hear one another.
See one another.
Show respect to one another.
Politics need not be a raging fire destroying everything in its path.
Every disagreement doesn’t have to be a cause for total war.
And, we must reject a culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.
My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this.
America has to be better than this.
And, I believe America is better than this.
Just look around.
Here we stand, in the shadow of a Capitol dome that was completed amid the Civil War, when the Union itself hung in the balance.
Yet we endured and we prevailed.
Here we stand looking out to the great Mall where Dr. King spoke of his dream.
Here we stand, where 108 years ago at another inaugural, thousands of protestors tried to block brave women from marching for the right to vote.
Today, we mark the swearing-in of the first woman in American history elected to national office – Vice President Kamala Harris.
Don’t tell me things can’t change.
Here we stand across the Potomac from Arlington National Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal peace.
And here we stand, just days after a riotous mob thought they could use violence to silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, and to drive us from this sacred ground.
That did not happen.
It will never happen.
Not today.
Not tomorrow.
Not ever.
To all those who supported our campaign I am humbled by the faith you have placed in us.
To all those who did not support us, let me say this: Hear me out as we move forward. Take a measure of me and my heart.
And if you still disagree, so be it.
That’s democracy. That’s America. The right to dissent peaceably, within the guardrails of our Republic, is perhaps our nation’s greatest strength.
Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion.
And I pledge this to you: I will be a President for all Americans.
I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.
Many centuries ago, Saint Augustine, a saint of my church, wrote that a people was a multitude defined by the common objects of their love.
What are the common objects we love that define us as Americans?
I think I know.
Opportunity.
Security.
Liberty.
Dignity.
Respect.
Honor.
And, yes, the truth.
Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson.
There is truth and there are lies.
Lies told for power and for profit.
And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders – leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation — to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.
I understand that many Americans view the future with some fear and trepidation.
I understand they worry about their jobs, about taking care of their families, about what comes next.
I get it.
But the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions, distrusting those who don’t look like you do, or worship the way you do, or don’t get their news from the same sources you do.
We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal.
We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts.
If we show a little tolerance and humility.
If we’re willing to stand in the other person’s shoes just for a moment.
Because here is the thing about life: There is no accounting for what fate will deal you.
There are some days when we need a hand.
There are other days when we’re called on to lend one.
That is how we must be with one another.
And, if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future.
My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we will need each other.
We will need all our strength to persevere through this dark winter.
We are entering what may well be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus.
We must set aside the politics and finally face this pandemic as one nation.
I promise you this: as the Bible says weeping may endure for a night but joy cometh in the morning.
We will get through this, together
The world is watching today.
So here is my message to those beyond our borders: America has been tested and we have come out stronger for it.
We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again.
Not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.
We will lead not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.
We will be a strong and trusted partner for peace, progress, and security.
We have been through so much in this nation.
And, in my first act as President, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer to remember all those we lost this past year to the pandemic.
To those 400,000 fellow Americans – mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, sons and daughters, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.
We will honor them by becoming the people and nation we know we can and should be.
Let us say a silent prayer for those who lost their lives, for those they left behind, and for our country.
Amen.
This is a time of testing.
We face an attack on democracy and on truth.
A raging virus.
Growing inequity.
The sting of systemic racism.
A climate in crisis.
America’s role in the world.
Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways.
But the fact is we face them all at once, presenting this nation with the gravest of responsibilities.
Now we must step up.
All of us.
It is a time for boldness, for there is so much to do.
And, this is certain.
We will be judged, you and I, for how we resolve the cascading crises of our era.
Will we rise to the occasion?
Will we master this rare and difficult hour?
Will we meet our obligations and pass along a new and better world for our children?
I believe we must and I believe we will.
And when we do, we will write the next chapter in the American story.
It’s a story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me.
It’s called “American Anthem” and there is one verse stands out for me:
“The work and prayers
of centuries have brought us to this day
What shall be our legacy?
What will our children say?…
Let me know in my heart
When my days are through
America
America
I gave my best to you.”
Let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our nation.
If we do this then when our days are through our children and our children’s children will say of us they gave their best.
They did their duty.
They healed a broken land.
My fellow Americans, I close today where I began, with a sacred oath.
Before God and all of you I give you my word.
I will always level with you.
I will defend the Constitution.
I will defend our democracy.
I will defend America.
I will give my all in your service thinking not of power, but of possibilities.
Not of personal interest, but of the public good.
And together, we shall write an American story of hope, not fear.
Of unity, not division.
Of light, not darkness.
An American story of decency and dignity.
Of love and of healing.
Of greatness and of goodness.
May this be the story that guides us.
The story that inspires us.
The story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history.
We met the moment.
That democracy and hope, truth and justice, did not die on our watch but thrived.
That our America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon to the world.
That is what we owe our forebearers, one another, and generations to follow.
So, with purpose and resolve we turn to the tasks of our time.
Sustained by faith.
Driven by conviction.
And, devoted to one another and to this country we love with all our hearts.
May God bless America and may God protect our troops.
Thank you, America.
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★ 中文翻譯:資料來源中央社CNA
這是美國的一天,這是民主的一天,是歷史和希望的一天,是更新與決心的一天。美國幾個世代經過熔爐的考驗之後,如今再次遭到試煉,而且已再次奮起應付挑戰。今天,我們慶祝的不是一位候選人的勝利,而是一個奮鬥目標的勝利,是為民主的奮鬥。人民的意志被聽見了,人民的意志得到了關注。
我們再次學到,民主是珍貴的,民主是脆弱的,而在此刻,朋友們,民主已然勝利。短短幾天之前,還有暴力試圖撼動國會的根基,但今天我們齊聚這個莊嚴的所在,以一個在上帝之下不可分裂的國家,展開權力的和平轉移,一如我國200多年的傳統。
我們要用美國特有的方式,也就是不停歇、勇敢、樂觀的方式展望未來。放眼我們可以成為、也必須成為的國家。我謝謝今天蒞臨的兩黨前任總統,我衷心感謝,你們知道我國憲法的韌性,以及我們國家的力量。卡特總統(Jimmy Carter)也是,我昨晚與他通了電話,但他不克前來。我們為他畢生的奉獻向他致敬。
我剛才跟這幾位愛國者一樣鄭重宣誓,一篇最初由華盛頓宣讀的誓詞。然而,美國故事靠的不是我們任何一個人,或一部分人,而是我們全體。它靠的是「我們人民」,在尋求一個更好的合眾國的人民。這是個偉大的國家,我們是一群良善的人。
經歷過去幾個世紀的風雨和衝突、和平與戰爭,我們走過很長一段路,但前方還有很長一段路要走。我們將快速緊急前行,因為在這個危險與機會的冬天,我們有很多事要做。有很多需要修補、需要恢復、需要癒合。有許多需要建設,也可以有很多收穫。
在我國歷史上,很少人或很少時刻面臨著比我們目前更大的挑戰或困難。百年一見、無聲無息蔓延整個國家的病毒,在一年之內奪走的人命,跟美國在第二次世界大戰犧牲的總人數一樣多。數百萬工作機會流失,成千上萬企業關門。
400年來的種族正義的呼聲感動著我們,全民同享公義的夢想將不再拖後。地球生存的呼聲再急迫不過,也再清楚不過。如今政治極端主義、白人至上主義和本土恐怖主義的興起,讓我們有必要起來面對並將它們擊倒。
克服這些挑戰、恢復美國靈魂和鞏固未來需要的不只是話語,而是民主當中最難以捉摸的部分,那就是團結一心,團結一心。
另一個一月天,在1863年開年之時,林肯總統簽署解放奴隸宣言。讓我引述他在下筆時所說的話:「如果我留名青史,將會是因為這份宣言,以及我投注其中的全心全意。」
今天,同樣在一月裡,我全心全意投注於此:團結全體國人,團結整個國家。我請求所有美國人加入,和我一起努力,團結對抗我們共同的敵人:怨氣、不滿、仇恨、極端主義、目無法紀的行為、暴力、疾病、失業和無助。
團結一心,我們能夠成就偉大事業、重要的事情。我們可以糾正錯誤,可以讓民眾找到好的工作,可以在安全的校園教導孩子,可以克服這個致命的病毒。我們可以讓工作獲得報酬,重建中產階級,可以提供全民健保,可以兌現種族正義,讓美國再次成為世界主要的良善力量。
我明白,這個時候談論團結聽起來像愚昧的天方夜譚,我知道分裂我們的力量又深又真切,但我也知道這些力量不是現在才出現。美國向來在人人平等這個理想,和國家長期被種族主義、本土主義、恐懼和妖魔化分化的醜陋現實之間掙扎。這個征戰從未止息,勝利並無保證。
從南北戰爭、大蕭條、世界大戰到911恐攻,儘管歷經奮鬥、犧牲和挫折,良善的天使向來都會勝利。每當遇到這種時刻,我們都會有足夠的人團結一心,讓全國一起向前,我們現在也可以這麼做。
歷史、信仰和理性指向一條明路,一條團結之路。我們可以不把彼此當成敵人,而是鄰居。我們可以尊嚴和尊重彼此相待,可以同心協力,停止叫囂,讓溫度冷卻。因為沒有團結就沒有和平,只會留下苦毒與憤怒;不會有進步,只會有讓人厭倦的離譜言行;不會有國家,只會有混亂狀態。
這是我們危機和挑戰的歷史性一刻,而團結是前進的道路,我們必須以合眾國的姿態來面對這一刻,若能做到,我向諸位保證我們不會失敗。當我們團結起來,我們從來就不曾失敗,因此在這一天,在此時此刻,就在這裡,讓我們重新來過,全體一起來。讓我們開始再次彼此聆聽,讓對方說,相互探望,對彼表達尊重。
政治不必像這一團熊熊之火,燒毀一切,歧見不必成為全面戰爭的理由。我們必須摒棄操弄甚至捏造事實的文化,同胞們,我們不能這樣,美國必須不只是這個樣子,而且我相信美國不至淪落至此。
看看四周,我們站在國會大廈圓頂之下,這是南北戰爭時期完成的,當時美國的前途還在未定之天,但我們挺過來了,我們勝利了。我們現在站在此,看著偉大的國家廣場,金恩博士(Martin Luther King Jr.)曾對廣場上的群眾訴說他的夢想。也是在這裡,108年前的另一場就職典禮,數以千計的抗議人士試圖阻撓一群勇敢的婦女遊行爭取投票權。
今天我們見證副總統賀錦麗創造美國歷史,成為第一位擔任國家領導人的女性,別告訴我事情無法改變。
我們站在這裡,隔著波多馬克河(Potomac River)遠眺阿靈頓國家公墓(Arlington National Cemetery),也就是為國捐軀的英雄長眠之地。我們站在這裡,不過幾天前,暴動的群眾以為他們可用暴力箝制民眾的意志,阻撓民主運作,把我們驅逐出這塊聖地。但事情未如他們所願,今天不會,明天也不會,永遠都不會。
每位支持我們參選的民眾,我因你們給予我們的信心感到謙卑。對於沒有支持我們的人,讓我對你們說:未來請聽我說的話,評量我和我的心。如果你們還是不同意,也罷。這就是民主。這就是美國。以平和的方式在我們國家的規範之內表達異議的權利,可能是我國最大的優勢。
但請聽清楚:不同意見絕對不能變成不團結。而且我向各位保證,我要當全體國人的總統。不論你支持我或不支持我,我都將同樣為你們而努力。
好幾個世紀之前,我所屬教會的聖者聖奧古斯丁(Saint Augustine)曾經寫道,人民是個群體,由他們共同喜愛的東西所定義。身為美國人,我們共同喜愛而且能定義我們的東西是什麼?我想我們都知道:機會、安定、自由、尊嚴、尊重、榮譽,是的,還有真相。
最近的幾個星期、幾個月給了我們痛苦的教訓:有真相,也有謊言,為了權力和利益而說的謊言。我們每個人做為公民,做為美國人,特別是身為領導者的人,曾經承諾要遵守憲法、保護我們的國家的領導者,有職責、有責任要捍衛真相、打敗謊言。
我瞭解有許多同胞以害怕、惶恐的心情看待未來。我瞭解他們擔心工作問題。我瞭解他們像我父親那樣,夜裡躺在床上盯著天花板,想著得要有醫療保險、有貸款要付、想著他們的家庭,想著接下來會如何。我跟各位保證,我瞭解。但答案不是退縮,不是進入到彼此競爭的派系,不信任看起來跟你不一樣的人,跟你有不同信仰的人,或者新聞來源不同於你的人。
我們必須結束這場「無禮的戰爭」,它讓紅藍對立、鄉村與都市的民眾對立、保守派與自由派對立。我們可以做到,如果我們敞開心胸,而不是讓我們的心變硬,如果我們展現一些包容和謙虛,如果我們願意為別人設想,就像我母親說的:只要一下子就好,為別人設想。
因為人生就是這樣,你無法預知命運。有些時候,你會需要別人伸出援手,還有些時候,人家會請你伸出援手。就是要這樣,這就是我們為彼此做的事。如果我們這麼做,我們的國家就會更強大、更繁榮,更能為未來做好準備,而且我們還是可以有不同意見。
同胞們,我們在推動未來的工作時,會需要彼此。我們要集舉國之力,才能度過這個黑暗的冬天。我們可能在進入疫情最嚴重、最致命的階段。我們必須把政治擺在一邊,要終於能夠舉國對抗這個大流行,用舉國之力。我向各位保證,就如聖經所說:「一宿雖有哭泣,早晨便必歡呼。」我們將可一起度過,一起!
各位,我跟我在參眾兩院的同事們都瞭解,世人正在觀看,他們今天在看著我們,因此這是我要對國外傳達的訊息:美國受到試煉,而我們因此更為茁壯。我們將修補我們與盟國的關係,再次與世界往來,不是為了面對昨天的挑戰,而是今天和明天的挑戰。我們將不是藉著我們力量的典範來領導,而是憑藉我們典範的力量。我們將會是和平、進步與安定堅強而且可信賴的夥伴。
各位都知道,我們國家經歷了許多事情。我做為總統要做的第一件事,是要請你們跟我一起,為過去一年因疫情喪生的人們默禱,紀念那40萬個同胞,母親、父親、丈夫、妻子、兒子、女兒、朋友、鄰居和同事們。我們要成為我們自知可以成為、而且應該成為的人民和國家,以此榮耀他們。因此我請大家,一起為離世和失去親友的人們,還有我們的國家默禱,……阿們。
各位,這是試煉的時刻。我們面對對民主與真相的攻擊、正在肆虐的病毒、嚴重的不公、系統性的種族歧視、陷入危機的氣候,還有美國在全球的角色問題。其中任何一點都足以對我們構成嚴重的挑戰。但事實是,我們在同時面對這一切,這讓美國挑起我們最重大的責任之一。我們將受到試煉,我們能迎接挑戰嗎?這是大膽的時候,因為有好多事情要做。
而我向各位保證,這點是肯定的:你我將被評判,標準是我們如何解決這個時代一一發生的危機。我們將迎接挑戰。我們能否戰勝這個罕見而艱難的時刻?我們能否履行我們的義務,把一個新的、更好的世界傳給我們的下一代?我相信我們必須那麼做,而且我相信你們也這麼認為。我相信我們會,而且當我們做到,我們將寫下美國歷史偉大的新章節。美國的故事。
這個故事可能像一首對我來說深具意義的歌曲,它叫「美國頌」(American Anthem),它有一段歌詞至少對我來說很特別,它是這樣說的:「數百年的努力與祈禱讓我們來到今天,我們有什麼能傳承下去?我們的子孫會怎麼說?當我的日子結束,讓我內心知曉,美國,美國,我已為你付出最大努力。」
讓我們把我們自己的努力和祈禱,加到我們偉大的國家仍在發展的故事之中。如果我們做到,那麼當我們的日子結束,我們的子孫和他們的子孫會說:「他們付出了最大的努力,他們盡了他們的責任,他們修補了破碎的國家。」
同胞們,我的結語要跟開頭一樣,有個神聖的誓言。在上帝和各位面前,我向你們保證。我將始終開誠布公,我將捍衛憲法,我將捍衛我們的民主。我將捍衛美國,全心全力奉獻為你們服務,心中想的不是權力,而是可能性,不是私利,而是公眾的利益。我們將一起寫下美國希望的故事,而非恐懼的故事,是團結而非分歧,是光明而非黑暗。是禮貌與尊嚴、愛與療癒、偉大與善良的故事。
希望這是引導我們的故事、啟發我們的故事,是能告訴未來的世世代代我們回應歷史的召喚並且回應了時代挑戰的故事。民主與希望、真相與公義沒有在我們的時代衰亡,而是生生不息,美國固守了國內的自由,並且再次成為世界的明燈。這是我們對先人、對彼此和對未來世世代代的責任。
因此,我們要有目標、有決心,把注意力轉向這個時代的任務,靠信心來維持,靠信念來驅使,為彼此和我們全心熱愛的國家而奉獻。願上帝保佑美國,保守我們的三軍。謝謝美國!
dissent中文 在 賓狗單字 Bingo Bilingual Facebook 的最佳解答
用演講學英文,再來一發!
這篇還從演講結構下去分析,專業爆表!
【 小英的哥大演講 】
前兩天蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen 總統在哥倫比亞大學Columbia University in the City of New York 的演講感動了許多人,我也一直想要跟大家好好分享對這篇講稿的心得。想歸想,但卻沒時間動筆。
一直到昨天,BBC 中文網(繁體) 有篇談這場演講的報導(後面有一小段引用了對我的訪問),然後發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 跟我在臉書上聊這件事。我們兩個雖然都很想談談這篇講稿,但週末都忙著同一件事:帶小孩(他帶他的、我帶我的)。但再不寫大概就沒人想談了,所以只好趁現在小孩睡覺後開始寫。
前天我曾經在臉書上請大家好好讀這篇講稿,中文英文都要看。有關中文的部分,朱宥勳 已經有很精彩的寫作技巧分析,大家可以去看看。
這一篇貼文會從英文文稿(這場演講是以英文進行的)跟一些比較宏觀的角度切入。
✍️為什麼是紐約?為什麼是哥大?
很多人都知道小英總統是英國倫敦政經學院的博士(好吧,有些人到現在還在懷疑),小英講英文時也有很雋永的英國腔,但大家比較容易忽略的是,紐約(美國)才是她第一個異鄉求學的地方。她當時就讀康乃爾大學Cornell University ,位於紐約州的漂亮小城Ithaca。
所以也許不難想像紐約這個大城市,在當時對一個在台北長大的乖乖牌學生,所產生的人生衝擊。小英不但順利拿到碩士學位,還考過了全美難考的紐約州律師考試(美國的律師考試是不同地方分開考的,難易不一,比較難的一般來說是紐約、芝加哥跟加州)。我想紐約對於小英來說,是充滿許多回憶的。
小英在紐約的公開演講曾說:「這是她第一次以中華民國總統的身份造訪紐約」。從這個背景來看小英的英文講稿,不難發現,前四段事實上是給紐約客(New Yorker)的溫暖起手式:
✍️Receiving an invitation to speak here from such a vanguard of free speech and diversity is actually quite an honor.
能受邀來這所以言論自由及多元包容著稱的校園座談,我實在備感榮幸。
🐶小英在演講的第一句話,就點出了紐約這城市對她的意義:言論自由、多元。
為什麼要特別講這一點?因為她當年就讀Cornell時,台灣發生了美麗島事件跟林宅血案。你可以想像,在多元自由的紐約校園,卻聽到家鄉發生重大事件,內心有多震撼。
✍️ I graduated from Cornell Law School in 1980, and I have to say, being back on a New York campus brings back many memories. Though I’m sure many of you would say that any campus outside of New York City is not really part of New York.
我在1980年畢業於康乃爾大學,再度回到久違的紐約校園,勾起我許多的回憶。雖然,或許在場有人會說,任何紐約市以外的校園都不能算是紐約。
🐶這一段是insider joke,非紐約人可能看不懂,紐約人聽到應該笑呵呵。為什麼?前面已經說了,Cornell位於紐約州的Ithaca,但不是位於紐約市內,所以這個笑話是小英的自嘲:我知道我念的學校沒有位於紐約市(New York City)內,你們一定覺得那不能算是「紐約校園」。說白了,這有點像是天龍國笑話或是「天母是天龍中的天龍」之類的。
講到這,看看哥大的臉書名稱:Columbia University in the City of New York (位於紐約市的哥倫比亞大學),不覺得很幽默嗎?這是在開其他沒有位於紐約市(也許位於紐約州)大學的玩笑。(你能想像台大的臉書名稱說「位於台北的台大」嗎?)
✍️However, I actually lived in the city in the summer of 1979, when I was doing research work for a professor at the East Asia Institute of Columbia University. Later on, I passed the New York Bar examination here, and visited the city from time to time, sometimes on my way to Washington DC for trade negotiations.
然而我在1979年夏天曾經真正住過紐約,協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。而我在通過紐約州律師考試後,就更常走訪紐約,有時是在前往華府做貿易談判時會經過紐約。
🐶接續上一段的笑點,打鐵趁熱,小英為自己的「紐約經驗」多加一點正當性。她說她當時曾經協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。哥大位於紐約市內,這下總不能說我不是紐約人了吧?
✍️Life in New York in the 1980s was eye opening for a young law student from not quite democratized Taiwan. Diversity and different perspectives were the norm, and looking out across the lecture hall today, I am glad to see that has not changed.
對一個來自當時尚未完全民主化的臺灣的法律系學生來說,1980年代的紐約生活真的令我眼界大開,多元化和不同的見解竟然才是正常。我很高興,從這講台放眼望出去,一切都如此熟悉,絲毫未曾改變。
🐶這一段,事實上講的是台灣當時還沒解嚴,而且發生了美麗島事件。小英講的委婉,沒有指名道姓,只說台灣當時尚未完全民主化。
以上四段,是非常成功的破冰(ice-breaking)。破冰是公共演講的重要技巧,做得好,能夠化解一開始的尷尬與緊張,並連結講者與聽眾的關係。開場做得好,也有助接下來的演講氣氛跟節奏的掌握。
所以好的幕僚真的很重要,也真的能讓你上天堂。幕僚寫稿的功力也在這裡,帶出個人情感(personal touch),讓老闆掌握演講節奏,這是需要專業訓練的。
✍️In the early days of our political transition, some said democracy could not survive in China’s shadow. And Taiwan is now home to a thriving democratic society and political system.
我們在政治轉型初期,很多人說在中國陰影的籠罩下,我們的民主不可能存活下來。然而,現在臺灣已然成為民主社會和政治制度蓬勃發展的居所。
🐶我喜歡survive in China's shadow這個詞的用法,這可以提醒聽眾,今日許多國家,甚至包括美國,都還在擔憂中國的銳實力(sharp power)。西方國家對於要不要禁用華為爭論不休,也可以視為一種中國的陰影。
✍️Some said a resource-poor island of only 23 million people could not become a major economic player. Yet we are now the United States’ 11th largest trade partner.
有人說,人口只有兩千三百萬而且資源匱乏的小島,無法成為經濟的主要推手,然而現在我們已經變成美國的第11大貿易夥伴了。
🐶這是很漂亮的對比,從資源匱乏的小國變成美國的重要貿易夥伴。
✍️Some said progressive values could not take root in East Asian society. Yet I stand here before you as Taiwan’s first woman president, and this year we became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.
有人說,先進的價值觀無法於東亞社會生根。但今天,我是以臺灣第一位女總統的身分站在各位面前,而今年臺灣也已經躍為亞洲第一個同婚合法的國家。
🐶progressive這個字,我習慣翻譯成「進步」,但總統府的翻譯為「先進」。這一段很生動的描繪了台灣在性別平權上的進展,對台灣的形象是很好的宣傳。
✍️In short, Taiwan’s story is one of seemingly improbable success. Many call Taiwan a “democratic miracle,” but I don’t believe in miracles. I believe in the will of the people, and their vision for a better world.
簡言之,臺灣就是在不可能的環境下成就了可能。許多人稱臺灣為「民主奇蹟」,但我不是奇蹟的信徒。我相信的是人民的意志,以及對更美好未來的願景。
🐶「奇蹟的信徒」在中文是個華麗的修辭,但英文用的是大家國中都學過的文法:believe 是相信,believe in 是信仰。有沒有 in 差很多。
✍️We are seeing this threat in action right now in Hong Kong. Faced with no channel to make their voices heard, young people are taking to the streets to fight for their democratic freedoms. And the people of Taiwan stand with them.
我們看到這個威脅正在衝擊香港,年輕人沒有管道發聲,只好走上街頭為民主自由拼搏。我們臺灣人民決心和他們站在一起。
Hong Kong’s experience under “one country, two systems” has shown the world once and for all that authoritarianism and democracy cannot coexist.
香港的「一國兩制」經驗,向世界明白揭破了獨裁和民主無法共存的事實。
🐶沒有任何一個場合,比台灣總統親自在美國談香港逃犯條例的議題更適合了。這一點我相信能贏得很多聽眾共鳴。如果真的要挑剔的話,我也許會思考一個問題:加上新疆集中營或甚至西藏議題,會不會比較好?加跟不加都各有利弊,也許文稿小組最後決定讓演講更聚焦。
✍️You begin to censor your own speech, your own thoughts. You no longer discuss current events with your friends, for fear of being overheard. You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future.
你開始審查自己的言論和想法,不再和朋友討論時事,因為害怕被竊聽,大部分時間都提心吊膽的前瞻後顧,根本無法好好面對未來。
🐶我喜歡這一段的節奏。也因為這一段,我猜測這篇講稿應該是「以英文寫成,再翻譯成中文」,而非「以中文寫成,再翻譯成英文」。為什麼?因為You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future. 用了前面跟後面的修辭。
✍️Our story is one of perseverance, of a commitment to democracy against all odds.
我們的故事是堅毅不撓的故事,是力抗萬難,堅守民主的故事。
Ours is a story of why values do still matter. The cultural and political differences across the Taiwan Strait only grow wider by the day; and each day that Taiwan chooses freedom of speech, human rights, the rule of law, is a day that we drift farther from the influences of authoritarianism.
我們的故事在訴說,為什麼核心價值如此的重要。臺海兩岸在文化及政治上的歧異日趨擴大。臺灣選擇言論自由、人權及法治的每一天,都讓我們與獨裁政權漸行漸遠。
🐶Against all odds 強調台灣民主及經濟發展難能可貴。
A story of why values do still matter. 強調台灣跟中國最大的差異:價值。
✍️Authoritarian governments seek to exploit press freedoms unique to democratic societies to sow dissent among us. They hope to make us question our political systems and lose faith in democracy.
獨裁政府企圖利用民主社會的新聞自由,在我們之間挑撥對立,要讓我們懷疑我們的政治制度,好讓我們對民主失落信心。
Taiwan has been on the frontlines of this battle for years, and we have a great deal of experiences to offer to the world.
臺灣多年來一直站在這場戰爭的前線,我們有太多經驗可以與世界分享。
🐶這一段強調台灣在全球資訊戰的價值及經驗,凸顯台灣是美國重要盟邦的重要性。
✍️But democracy faces other challenges as well, especially in the form of economic enticements with hidden strings attached.
然而民主還面臨其他挑戰,特別是暗藏算計的經濟誘惑。
🐶這在講什麼?包括中國對台灣的統戰,也包括中國對其他國家的一帶一路及所帶來的債權陷阱(debt trap)。
✍️So to all the people who ask me how to make the choice between democracy and economic growth, I say the choice is clear: the two are inseparable.
很多人問我如何在民主與經濟成長之間作出抉擇,我的答案很清楚,就是:兩者密不可分。
History tells us that democracies are strongest when united, and weakest when divided.
歷史告訴我們,民主國家團結時最強,分裂時最弱。
🐶這邊改寫了英文寫作常用的名言錦句:United we stand, divided we fall。寫得很漂亮,沒話說。
😄😄😄
我只挑了一些段落跟大家分享,希望大家喜歡,也算是完成發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 交代給我的任務。
忘了說,哥大的黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授是小英這次訪紐約的靈魂人物,他是友台派中國通的祖師爺級人物,台灣許多教授及政治人物都上過他的課。我在清大就讀中國研究碩士時,Andy(我們都這麼稱呼他)也來清大上過短期講座,現在回想起來,當時能在新竹上他的課真的太幸福了(畢竟清大不在紐約市,學費也不能跟長春藤盟校相比😂)。
半夜兩點了,來睏。(發文的霎那,螢幕跳出喬帥擊敗費爸的新聞,我整個錯過了比賽....😭)
Ps. 本篇文章謝謝打油詩人給我一些靈感,但如果有寫錯的地方,文責當然自負。
(本篇引用的中英文講稿內容來自中華民國總統府官網)
護台胖犬 劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball (老狗追球)
dissent中文 在 皮筋兒 Journey Facebook 的最佳貼文
分析的很好👍
大家看蔡英文總統順便學英文~~
【 小英的哥大演講 】
前兩天蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen 總統在哥倫比亞大學Columbia University in the City of New York 的演講感動了許多人,我也一直想要跟大家好好分享對這篇講稿的心得。想歸想,但卻沒時間動筆。
一直到昨天,BBC 中文網(繁體) 有篇談這場演講的報導(後面有一小段引用了對我的訪問),然後發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 跟我在臉書上聊這件事。我們兩個雖然都很想談談這篇講稿,但週末都忙著同一件事:帶小孩(他帶他的、我帶我的)。但再不寫大概就沒人想談了,所以只好趁現在小孩睡覺後開始寫。
前天我曾經在臉書上請大家好好讀這篇講稿,中文英文都要看。有關中文的部分,朱宥勳 已經有很精彩的寫作技巧分析,大家可以去看看。
這一篇貼文會從英文文稿(這場演講是以英文進行的)跟一些比較宏觀的角度切入。
✍️為什麼是紐約?為什麼是哥大?
很多人都知道小英總統是英國倫敦政經學院的博士(好吧,有些人到現在還在懷疑),小英講英文時也有很雋永的英國腔,但大家比較容易忽略的是,紐約(美國)才是她第一個異鄉求學的地方。她當時就讀康乃爾大學Cornell University ,位於紐約州的漂亮小城Ithaca。
所以也許不難想像紐約這個大城市,在當時對一個在台北長大的乖乖牌學生,所產生的人生衝擊。小英不但順利拿到碩士學位,還考過了全美難考的紐約州律師考試(美國的律師考試是不同地方分開考的,難易不一,比較難的一般來說是紐約、芝加哥跟加州)。我想紐約對於小英來說,是充滿許多回憶的。
小英在紐約的公開演講曾說:「這是她第一次以中華民國總統的身份造訪紐約」。從這個背景來看小英的英文講稿,不難發現,前四段事實上是給紐約客(New Yorker)的溫暖起手式:
✍️Receiving an invitation to speak here from such a vanguard of free speech and diversity is actually quite an honor.
能受邀來這所以言論自由及多元包容著稱的校園座談,我實在備感榮幸。
🐶小英在演講的第一句話,就點出了紐約這城市對她的意義:言論自由、多元。
為什麼要特別講這一點?因為她當年就讀Cornell時,台灣發生了美麗島事件跟林宅血案。你可以想像,在多元自由的紐約校園,卻聽到家鄉發生重大事件,內心有多震撼。
✍️ I graduated from Cornell Law School in 1980, and I have to say, being back on a New York campus brings back many memories. Though I’m sure many of you would say that any campus outside of New York City is not really part of New York.
我在1980年畢業於康乃爾大學,再度回到久違的紐約校園,勾起我許多的回憶。雖然,或許在場有人會說,任何紐約市以外的校園都不能算是紐約。
🐶這一段是insider joke,非紐約人可能看不懂,紐約人聽到應該笑呵呵。為什麼?前面已經說了,Cornell位於紐約州的Ithaca,但不是位於紐約市內,所以這個笑話是小英的自嘲:我知道我念的學校沒有位於紐約市(New York City)內,你們一定覺得那不能算是「紐約校園」。說白了,這有點像是天龍國笑話或是「天母是天龍中的天龍」之類的。
講到這,看看哥大的臉書名稱:Columbia University in the City of New York (位於紐約市的哥倫比亞大學),不覺得很幽默嗎?這是在開其他沒有位於紐約市(也許位於紐約州)大學的玩笑。(你能想像台大的臉書名稱說「位於台北的台大」嗎?)
✍️However, I actually lived in the city in the summer of 1979, when I was doing research work for a professor at the East Asia Institute of Columbia University. Later on, I passed the New York Bar examination here, and visited the city from time to time, sometimes on my way to Washington DC for trade negotiations.
然而我在1979年夏天曾經真正住過紐約,協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。而我在通過紐約州律師考試後,就更常走訪紐約,有時是在前往華府做貿易談判時會經過紐約。
🐶接續上一段的笑點,打鐵趁熱,小英為自己的「紐約經驗」多加一點正當性。她說她當時曾經協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。哥大位於紐約市內,這下總不能說我不是紐約人了吧?
✍️Life in New York in the 1980s was eye opening for a young law student from not quite democratized Taiwan. Diversity and different perspectives were the norm, and looking out across the lecture hall today, I am glad to see that has not changed.
對一個來自當時尚未完全民主化的臺灣的法律系學生來說,1980年代的紐約生活真的令我眼界大開,多元化和不同的見解竟然才是正常。我很高興,從這講台放眼望出去,一切都如此熟悉,絲毫未曾改變。
🐶這一段,事實上講的是台灣當時還沒解嚴,而且發生了美麗島事件。小英講的委婉,沒有指名道姓,只說台灣當時尚未完全民主化。
以上四段,是非常成功的破冰(ice-breaking)。破冰是公共演講的重要技巧,做得好,能夠化解一開始的尷尬與緊張,並連結講者與聽眾的關係。開場做得好,也有助接下來的演講氣氛跟節奏的掌握。
所以好的幕僚真的很重要,也真的能讓你上天堂。幕僚寫稿的功力也在這裡,帶出個人情感(personal touch),讓老闆掌握演講節奏,這是需要專業訓練的。
✍️In the early days of our political transition, some said democracy could not survive in China’s shadow. And Taiwan is now home to a thriving democratic society and political system.
我們在政治轉型初期,很多人說在中國陰影的籠罩下,我們的民主不可能存活下來。然而,現在臺灣已然成為民主社會和政治制度蓬勃發展的居所。
🐶我喜歡survive in China's shadow這個詞的用法,這可以提醒聽眾,今日許多國家,甚至包括美國,都還在擔憂中國的銳實力(sharp power)。西方國家對於要不要禁用華為爭論不休,也可以視為一種中國的陰影。
✍️Some said a resource-poor island of only 23 million people could not become a major economic player. Yet we are now the United States’ 11th largest trade partner.
有人說,人口只有兩千三百萬而且資源匱乏的小島,無法成為經濟的主要推手,然而現在我們已經變成美國的第11大貿易夥伴了。
🐶這是很漂亮的對比,從資源匱乏的小國變成美國的重要貿易夥伴。
✍️Some said progressive values could not take root in East Asian society. Yet I stand here before you as Taiwan’s first woman president, and this year we became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.
有人說,先進的價值觀無法於東亞社會生根。但今天,我是以臺灣第一位女總統的身分站在各位面前,而今年臺灣也已經躍為亞洲第一個同婚合法的國家。
🐶progressive這個字,我習慣翻譯成「進步」,但總統府的翻譯為「先進」。這一段很生動的描繪了台灣在性別平權上的進展,對台灣的形象是很好的宣傳。
✍️In short, Taiwan’s story is one of seemingly improbable success. Many call Taiwan a “democratic miracle,” but I don’t believe in miracles. I believe in the will of the people, and their vision for a better world.
簡言之,臺灣就是在不可能的環境下成就了可能。許多人稱臺灣為「民主奇蹟」,但我不是奇蹟的信徒。我相信的是人民的意志,以及對更美好未來的願景。
🐶「奇蹟的信徒」在中文是個華麗的修辭,但英文用的是大家國中都學過的文法:believe 是相信,believe in 是信仰。有沒有 in 差很多。
✍️We are seeing this threat in action right now in Hong Kong. Faced with no channel to make their voices heard, young people are taking to the streets to fight for their democratic freedoms. And the people of Taiwan stand with them.
我們看到這個威脅正在衝擊香港,年輕人沒有管道發聲,只好走上街頭為民主自由拼搏。我們臺灣人民決心和他們站在一起。
Hong Kong’s experience under “one country, two systems” has shown the world once and for all that authoritarianism and democracy cannot coexist.
香港的「一國兩制」經驗,向世界明白揭破了獨裁和民主無法共存的事實。
🐶沒有任何一個場合,比台灣總統親自在美國談香港逃犯條例的議題更適合了。這一點我相信能贏得很多聽眾共鳴。如果真的要挑剔的話,我也許會思考一個問題:加上新疆集中營或甚至西藏議題,會不會比較好?加跟不加都各有利弊,也許文稿小組最後決定讓演講更聚焦。
✍️You begin to censor your own speech, your own thoughts. You no longer discuss current events with your friends, for fear of being overheard. You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future.
你開始審查自己的言論和想法,不再和朋友討論時事,因為害怕被竊聽,大部分時間都提心吊膽的前瞻後顧,根本無法好好面對未來。
🐶我喜歡這一段的節奏。也因為這一段,我猜測這篇講稿應該是「以英文寫成,再翻譯成中文」,而非「以中文寫成,再翻譯成英文」。為什麼?因為You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future. 用了前面跟後面的修辭。
✍️Our story is one of perseverance, of a commitment to democracy against all odds.
我們的故事是堅毅不撓的故事,是力抗萬難,堅守民主的故事。
Ours is a story of why values do still matter. The cultural and political differences across the Taiwan Strait only grow wider by the day; and each day that Taiwan chooses freedom of speech, human rights, the rule of law, is a day that we drift farther from the influences of authoritarianism.
我們的故事在訴說,為什麼核心價值如此的重要。臺海兩岸在文化及政治上的歧異日趨擴大。臺灣選擇言論自由、人權及法治的每一天,都讓我們與獨裁政權漸行漸遠。
🐶Against all odds 強調台灣民主及經濟發展難能可貴。
A story of why values do still matter. 強調台灣跟中國最大的差異:價值。
✍️Authoritarian governments seek to exploit press freedoms unique to democratic societies to sow dissent among us. They hope to make us question our political systems and lose faith in democracy.
獨裁政府企圖利用民主社會的新聞自由,在我們之間挑撥對立,要讓我們懷疑我們的政治制度,好讓我們對民主失落信心。
Taiwan has been on the frontlines of this battle for years, and we have a great deal of experiences to offer to the world.
臺灣多年來一直站在這場戰爭的前線,我們有太多經驗可以與世界分享。
🐶這一段強調台灣在全球資訊戰的價值及經驗,凸顯台灣是美國重要盟邦的重要性。
✍️But democracy faces other challenges as well, especially in the form of economic enticements with hidden strings attached.
然而民主還面臨其他挑戰,特別是暗藏算計的經濟誘惑。
🐶這在講什麼?包括中國對台灣的統戰,也包括中國對其他國家的一帶一路及所帶來的債權陷阱(debt trap)。
✍️So to all the people who ask me how to make the choice between democracy and economic growth, I say the choice is clear: the two are inseparable.
很多人問我如何在民主與經濟成長之間作出抉擇,我的答案很清楚,就是:兩者密不可分。
History tells us that democracies are strongest when united, and weakest when divided.
歷史告訴我們,民主國家團結時最強,分裂時最弱。
🐶這邊改寫了英文寫作常用的名言錦句:United we stand, divided we fall。寫得很漂亮,沒話說。
😄😄😄
我只挑了一些段落跟大家分享,希望大家喜歡,也算是完成發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 交代給我的任務。
忘了說,哥大的黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授是小英這次訪紐約的靈魂人物,他是友台派中國通的祖師爺級人物,台灣許多教授及政治人物都上過他的課。我在清大就讀中國研究碩士時,Andy(我們都這麼稱呼他)也來清大上過短期講座,現在回想起來,當時能在新竹上他的課真的太幸福了(畢竟清大不在紐約市,學費也不能跟長春藤盟校相比😂)。
半夜兩點了,來睏。(發文的霎那,螢幕跳出喬帥擊敗費爸的新聞,我整個錯過了比賽....😭)
Ps. 本篇文章謝謝打油詩人給我一些靈感,但如果有寫錯的地方,文責當然自負。
(本篇引用的中英文講稿內容來自中華民國總統府官網)
護台胖犬 劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball (老狗追球)
dissent中文 在 《刺客教條:維京紀元》全球首發電影式中文預告片 - YouTube 的推薦與評價
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