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2020-12-30 19:07:52 有 948 人按讚

【Skoda Kodiaq 最熱銷7座進口休旅新年式”棕熊”添翼登場】
Kodiaq在進口的7座休旅車型一直都保持著銷售冠軍的狀況，從去年的1754台到今年11月為止的1572台，對比它同為進口的競爭對手CX-9及Tiguan Allspace兩台相加不超過1000台，Kodiaq真的是相當厲害，為何會說棕熊添翼呢，因為這次除了換上新的引擎及變速箱之外，再加上新的方向盤及CNS第三代資訊娛樂系統以及四門的感應鑰匙進出讓新年式的Kodiaq的競爭力更往上升。

Kodiaq其實在尺碼上並不算太大，在車長的部分為4,697mm，對於台灣的交通環境是比較利於使用的，外觀的部分車頭採用LED頭燈，並將霧燈與頭燈擺放在同一區塊，車側則有一道高腰線，讓這台車看起來不那麼平舖直束，四個門都支援Keyless感應鑰匙進出，輪圈則是使用單色的18或19吋鋁圈，車尾的部分尾燈採用全LED尾燈組，打開行李廂，配置電動尾門並可設定高度，由於是7座設定，所以後行李廂的運用很多元，在7/5/2人座的情況下，後行李廂空間為270/765/2005公升。

在內裝配置的部分，新年式Kodiaq新增了懸浮式飛梭滾輪方向盤，在造型上有別於傳統方向盤，相當特別，左右兩側都有按鍵可以調整多媒體系統及CNS第三代資訊娛樂系統，儀錶板標配雙圓式儀表板，不過可以花3萬選配全數位儀錶版，在介面的調整以及資訊的顯示都非常豐富，最後一項更新的是Skoda自家的CNS第三代資訊娛樂系統，支援手勢翻頁，介面為繁體中文，同時也提供台灣口音的中文語音以及導航系統，若有選配數位儀錶的朋友，你的導航就可以在數位儀表板上顯示，另外也可以透過螢幕調整車輛設定之外CNS第三代一樣支援Apple Carplay及Android Auto手機連接。
坐進第二排可以發現，在第一排座椅背上設有餐桌，方便後方乘客放置食物、飲料等零食，後座冷氣出風口也為獨立調整溫度，最後就是第二排座椅擁有18公分的前後滑移距離以及多段的椅背調整功能。坐進第三排，因為畢竟Kodiaq還是為5+2的SUV設定，故第三排如果想乘坐成人，必須向第二排的乘客借一點膝部空間才能讓第三排乘坐起來較為舒適，在豪華菁英版本有配備全景天窗，讓整體的乘坐視野可以更寬闊。

這次試駕的車型為Kodiaq 1.5 TSI汽油渦輪引擎動力，動力數據為最大馬力150匹，最大扭力25.5公斤米，並且配有ACT引擎汽缸歇止系統，引擎在低負載的狀況下，會關閉兩缸來運作，更能達到節能的效果，變速箱更改為代號DQ381的7速濕式雙離合器自手排變速箱，傳動系統為前輪驅動，1.5 TSI平均油耗為14.2公里/公升。這一顆1.5 TSI的引擎在扭力的輸出表現非常出色，在1500轉左右就可發揮最大扭力，起步後就可以獲得相當充沛的動力支援，並且因為雙離合器效率良好、換檔快速且邏輯明確，在加速性表現非常優異，即便是7人滿載也是相當輕鬆，如果想有更猛烈的動力輸出反應，可以將變速箱切換為S模式，仍會有更猛爆的加速反應，在行駛上表現隔音非常良好，底盤不會傳出過多的噪音，在懸吊的支撐性表現也相當舒適，不會過軟也不會過硬，駕駛者也可以從方向盤及油門感受到路感的回饋表現，綜合上述也不難想出Kodiaq會這麼熱銷的原因了。

安全配備一直都是Skoda這個品牌的一大強項，Kodiaq標配9具氣囊，並且車側的氣簾延伸至第三排，除此之外高科技輔助安全例如Front Assist前方輔助系統、全速域ACC主動式定速跟車系統(0-210km/h)、Area View全車俯瞰顯影系統、後方來車警示系統以及車側盲點系統，車道偏離警示系統則是列為選配，另外Kodiaq在Euro-NCAP撞擊測式也拿到5顆星的成績，證明Kodiaq在安全方面絕不馬虎

其實Kodiaq之前以歐洲進口身分、優異的車室空間、足夠的動力及完整的安全配備，已經是很多家庭買家的好選擇，這次新年式再新增新的多媒體系統以及引擎動力，也相信這大棕熊在配備增強的狀況下，會持續熱銷，至少以目前的狀況下，在7座進口休旅的這個級距，還沒有對手可以撼動它的地位，大家會如何選擇7座休旅呢？可以在留言區留言討論哦！

#全民瘋車Bar #廖怡塵 #壯壯 #熊子 #新車試駕
#捷克棕熊 #Skoda #Kodiaq #7人座休旅 #大型休旅
#SUV #LSUV #CNS #聰明的就懂

Tags: front view中文全民瘋車Bar 廖怡塵壯壯熊子新車試駕捷克棕熊 Skoda Kodiaq 7人座休旅大型休旅 SUV LSUV CNS 聰明的就懂

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front view中文在黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

By 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

2020-04-08 18:22:53 有 400 人按讚

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

Tags: front view中文國際攬炒

黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

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黃之鋒．民主派初選民意代表．前香港眾志秘書長．前學民思潮召集人

front view中文在巫師地理 Facebook 的精選貼文

By 巫師地理

2018-12-12 10:33:30 有 14 人按讚

Taipei Times Joe's investment
#中國 #美國 #臺灣 #國際關係

Joe：「如果美國國會2019年真的要推這個外交法案，我看中國和美國的外交關係就是空前的惡化了，近期華為高層被捕，加拿大前外交官Michael Kovrig被中國當局拘留，2019年應該很難有風平浪靜的國際局勢了」

美國眾議會外交委員會亞太事務組主席Ted Yoho：是承認台灣為國家的時候了
Recognize Taiwan as the country it truly is

Yoho writes: “The US Congress will stand firm with Taiwan. We will honor our defensive military supply commitment and will work toward achieving full diplomatic relations with Taiwan.”
約霍寫著：「美國國會將與台灣站在一起。我們將會持續表彰對台灣軍售的承諾，並努力朝向和台灣建立完整外交關係。」

“Taiwan exists today as a sovereign state, a status it has earned through the mandate of its people, its democratic institutions and its stewardship of personal freedoms and human rights.”
台灣今天以一個主權獨立國家形式存在。這個現狀是因人民賦權、民主制度、個人自由、以及人權所獲得的。

“The facts are self-evident: China’s authoritarian government, dominated by the CCP, has never ruled Taiwan.”
有些不需要證明的事實是：中共掌握的中國極權政府，從來沒有統治台灣。

“Today, Taiwan is a flourishing democracy with its own economy, education system, military, sovereign borders, political parties, national anthem and flag.”
如今，台灣是一個蓬勃發展的民主國家，擁有自己的經濟、教育系統、軍隊、主權疆域、政黨、國歌、以及國旗。

“China has bullied the world into believing that Taiwan is not a country but some other undefined thing.”
中國持續霸凌世界，迫使全球相信台灣並非一個國家，而是某些不確定的東西

“However, the truth is right in front of our eyes and it is time the world began treating Taiwan as it deserves.”
然而，事實就在我們眼前，而全世界應開始讓台灣擁有應得的待遇。

“I view Taiwan as an independent country and believe that most US citizens and members of our government feel the same way.”
我認為台灣是一個獨立國家，並相信多數美國公民以及政府官員都如此認為。

“Taiwan is a nation, and it is time to embrace and recognize this fact.”
台灣是一個國家，目前是擁抱且承認這個事實的時候了。

另外附上
《美國國會「美中經濟與安全審查委員會」2018年度報告》第三章第三節的內容
https://hackmd.io/s/S1NThQnT7?fbclid=IwAR2INOUurECE52KHMKFMSA7RjgkB3t2A6Nit7NXUyc5bAYkWsIBOah8LSOg
裡面有中文翻譯，其實美國國會對台灣內部和國際上的觀察是非常透徹的，這樣的報告出爐後，加上目前美國兩黨的互動關係，我估計台灣2019年應該會面臨很劇烈的外交局勢驟變

http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2018/12/11/2003705885
https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Gossiping/M.1544547364.A.99D.html

Tags: front view中文中國美國臺灣國際關係

巫師地理

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來自台灣的高中地理老師，犇向自由民主多元進步。分享地理教育、公民議題；關心國際關係、世界局勢；體悟氣候變遷、環境教育；時間與空間的經緯縱橫世界看見台灣，台灣看見世界。

front view中文在 winbrothers 二允兄弟 Youtube 的最讚貼文

By winbrothers 二允兄弟

2017-10-03 10:40:07 有 6,215 人看過有 25 人喜歡

中秋賞月你有Freestyle嗎？
二允兄弟甩肩舞，一起來吟詩萌唱唄～
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華語兒歌萌唱跳音樂動畫-二允兄弟
▌中秋唱跳發燒金曲 :https://goo.gl/qvUkZb
▌節慶唱跳串燒全集: http://goo.gl/KUluHf
～請調整為720pHD觀看品質較高～
『節慶唱跳學中文：中英對照歌詞』
---------------------------------------------------------
靜夜思李白五言絕句
Quiet Night Thoughts, by Li Bai

床前明月光 The bright moonlight is in front of the bed
疑是地上霜 I suppose it is frost on the ground
舉頭望明月 I raise my head to view the bright moon
低頭思故鄉 Then lower my head to think of my home land

床前床前床前床前床前床前明月光
The bright moonlight is in front of the bed, in front of the bed, in front of the bed
疑是疑是疑是疑是疑是疑是地上霜
I suppose, I suppose, I suppose it is frost on the ground to view the bright moon
舉頭舉頭舉頭舉頭舉頭舉頭望明月
I raise my head, I raise my head, I raise my head to view the bright moon
低頭低頭低頭低頭低頭低頭思故鄉
Then lower my head, lower my head, lower my head to think of my home land

中秋中秋中秋中秋中秋中秋明月光
The bright moonlight on Moon Festival, Moon Festival, Moon Festival
滿嘴滿嘴滿嘴滿嘴滿嘴滿嘴烤肉醬
BBQ sauce is full of my mouth, full of my mouth, full of my mouth

頭頂頭頂頭頂頭頂頭頂頭頂柚子香
The smell of pomelo is on top of my head, on top of my head, on top of my head

月餅月餅月餅月餅月餅月餅吃吃吃光
I finish all the moon cakes, moon cakes, moon cakes

更多二允兄弟：
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▶微博 : http://www.weibo.com/winbrothers

▶歌詞：Curry Chou
▶腳本、剪輯、動畫製作：Sara Peng、Curry Chou、Tammy Liu
▶演唱：小允

『二允兄弟』由『風尚創意』團隊經營，若有任何提案合作，歡迎與我們聯繫！
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winbrothers 二允兄弟

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必勝的『萌唱』角色團體二允兄弟2012年開始於YouTube頻道致力於推廣『唱跳動畫』影片，兩個台灣男孩萌唱配音，必勝的唱唱跳跳透過互聯網平台傳送給全球華人，不論多遠或跨國距離都增加了人與人之間更歡樂正面的距離～2016年開始推出兒童教育唱跳歌系列！期許帶給小朋友更多趣味學習，寓教於樂的節目！故事簡介：台灣原創角色『二允兄弟winbrothers』，2007年創意靈感來自作者允媽的兩個兒子老愛互相爭贏的童趣故事。二允兄弟生活中常有鬼靈精怪的點子，水滴鼠，花滴鼠，蛋仔龍...都是他們的勝利麻吉！並一起展開奇幻冒險的童趣故事！創意理念：二允兄弟的童趣故事投影台灣很多二子俱樂部（或二子以上）的家庭成長生活記趣，台灣這一代的家長是兼顧工作、孩子、父母的夾心族！我們藉由二允兄弟故事來傳達這種甜蜜的負擔是就是人生珍貴的喜樂！ WinBrothers is an original Taiwanese cartoon story brand, created in 2012 by the Wind Design Team led by the author and the author’s two kid boys (they are WinBrothers themselves). WinBrothers promoted and shared its animation stories or singing and dancing animations on YouTube and other Internet platforms. Its YouTube channel, co-developed by parents and kids. WinBrothers’ singing and dancing videos are always widely spread online during festivals, showing those funny clips are so popular!! WinBrothers is the best cartoon channel which entertains and heals people in Chinese market.

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Sections. SEARCH. U.S. · International · Canada · Español · 中文 ... A man stands, gesturing, in front of battle-scarred buildings, wearing military.

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關於 front view中文，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

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front view中文在黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

front view中文在巫師地理 Facebook 的精選貼文

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