關於 intentions翻譯 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[教育時評] Developing Empathy

為什麼同理於此時比以往任何時刻都重要？

同理(empathy)可以定義為從他人觀點理解感受他人所感的能力。這與同情(sympathy)不同，同情是對處於困境之人感到難過的感覺。在某些情況下，兩個術語有共同之處是因為同理是一種共鳴的關切，其中包括希望人們更好的渴望。

心理學家已辨識出不同種類的同理，主要為情感和認知兩種類型。情感同理心 (affective empathy)是指能分享他人感受的能力。它使我們能夠「鏡像」他人的感受並覺察他們的焦慮或恐懼。

認知同理心(cognitive empathy)，也稱為換位思考，是識別和理解他人感受的能力。有效的溝通需要情感同理心和認知同理心兩者，因為它們可以幫助我們建立情感連結並向受眾傳達信息。同理對於協作和領導力也很重要，因為一個人需要理解和預期他人的情感和行為，才能與之工作並帶領他們走向成功。

人們可以看到同理呈現在所有職業中。老師需要靠同理來理解和滿足學生的多樣化需求。研究表明，富有同理心的醫療人員的患者享有更好的健康狀況。警察需要同理來拉近與之打交道的人的距離，來減少以武力處理的狀況。想想當警察缺乏對示威者的同理時會發生什麼。

現在比以往任何時候都更需要同理心。身份政治，政府競爭，甚至是最近的健康危機，都在逐漸蠶食我們的同理心和同情心，導致更大的緊繃，分裂和衝突。社交媒體上有多少發文在強調相互幫助的需要，又有多少在傳播恐懼和仇恨？

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並非所有希望都已失去。我們仍可以懷有和培養同理心。我們可以試著練習：

1.積極傾聽 (Active listening)：傾聽並關注他人意見。不要只是簡單地摒除與自身不同的觀點。

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2.破除認同屏障(Shared identity)：了解與自己不同的人。與其只關注兩者間的差異，不如考慮自己與他們分享的共同點。想像自己如何能設身處地的換位思考。

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3.制止不平等和冷漠 (Combating inequality and indifference)：許多獲得較高社會經濟地位（socioeconomic status、SES）的人有時同理稍弱，因為他們較少有連結、依靠或與他人合作的需求。這並不意味所有富裕之人都對他人的需求漠不關心，但他們可能更需要去關注維持對他人的同理。

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4.閱讀與改變觀點 (Reading and changing perspectives)：研究表明，閱讀文學小說（例如《殺死一隻知更鳥》，《老鼠與男人》）著重於人物心理及其與世界的互動。這些書激發讀者理解角色的意圖和動機，且這種的意識可以被帶入現實世界。但是，我認為，所有書籍，即使是非小說類書籍（例如《安妮·弗蘭克日記》）也能做到這一點，讀者不應受到書本類型的限制。重點在以閱讀了解他人的思維方式，從他人的角度思考和「體驗」生活，並將所學應用在自己的生活中。

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因此，為協助學生發展同理這一重要能力，我決定在我們的粉專上發起一個全新的系列：翻轉視界 (Changing Perspectives)。除了定期發布的《時事英文》、《教育時評》和《學習資源》，我們還將分享來自世界各地的人們的故事，文章中會提供關鍵詞、翻譯並向你提出批判性問題以期能幫助各位從不同的角度解讀世界！但是，單單思考並不夠！希望你可以不僅通過閱讀來發展同理，也通過理解和與他人合作將同理應用到生活中來取得成功。

References

Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How does fiction reading influence empathy? An experimental investigation on the role of emotional transportation. PloS one, 8(1).

Kaplan, S. (2016, July 22). Does reading fiction make you a better person? The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/speaking-of-science/wp/2016/07/22/does-reading-fiction-make-you-a-better-person/

Keen, S. (2007). Empathy and the Novel. Oxford University Press on Demand.

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Why is empathy more important now than ever?

Empathy can be defined as the capacity to understand feel what others experience from their perspectives. It differs from sympathy, the feeling of feeling sorry for someone in a difficult situation. In some instances, the terms overlap as sympathy is an empathetic concern, which includes the desire to see people better off.

Psychologists have identified different types of empathy, two main types being affective and cognitive. Affective empathy refers to the ability to share the feelings of others. It enables us to “mirror” what others feel and detect their anxiety or fears. Cognitive empathy, also known as perspective-taking, is the ability to identify and understand how others feel. Both are needed in effective communication because they help us build emotional connections and relay information to our audiences. Empathy is also essential for collaboration and leadership as one needs to understand and anticipate the emotions and behaviors of others to work with them and lead them to success.

One can see empathy present in all professions. Teachers need it to understand and meet the diverse needs of students. Research shows medical workers high in empathy have patients who enjoy better health. The police need it to feel less distant from people they are dealing with and defuse situations with less physical force. Think about what happens when the police lack empathy with protestors.

Empathy is needed more than ever now. Identity politics, government rivalry, and even the latest health crisis are gradually stripping us of our empathy and compassion, leading to greater tension, division, and conflict. How many posts on social media highlight the need to help one another, and how many spread fear and hate?

Not all hope is lost. We can still nurture and cultivate empathy. We can practice:

1. Active listening: Listen and be mindful of the opinions of others. Don’t merely dismiss every viewpoint different than your own.

2. Shared identity: Learn about people who are different from you. Rather than focus only on the differences, think about what you have in common. Imagine what you would do in their situation.

3. Combating inequality and indifference: Many who have attained higher socioeconomic status (SES) sometimes have diminished empathy because they have less of a need to connect with, rely on, or collaborate with others. This does not mean that all wealthy individuals are indifferent to the needs of others, but they might need to be more mindful about maintaining empathy towards everyone.

4. Reading and changing perspectives: Research shows that reading literary fiction (e.g., To Kill a Mockingbird, Of Mice and Men) focuses on the psychology of characters and their interaction with the world. These books motivate readers to understand character intentions and motivations, and such awareness can be carried into the real world. However, I personally believe that all books, even non-fiction (e.g., the Diary of Anne Frank), can do the same, and readers should not be restricted by the genre. The point is to read to understand the mindset of others, to think and “experience” life from their perspectives, and to apply these lessons to your own life.

Thus, to help students develop empathy, I have decided to launch a new series on our page: Changing Perspectives (翻轉視界). In addition to our regular posting of News English, Opinions in Education, and Learning Resources, we will share stories of people from around the world, provide key words, translations, and ask you critical questions to help you view the world from other perspectives! However, thinking is not enough! Develop empathy through reading but also apply it to your lives by understanding and working with others to achieve success.

References

Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How does fiction reading influence empathy? An experimental investigation on the role of emotional transportation. PloS one, 8(1).

Kaplan, S. (2016, July 22). Does reading fiction make you a better person? The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/speaking-of-science/wp/2016/07/22/does-reading-fiction-make-you-a-better-person/

Keen, S. (2007). Empathy and the Novel. Oxford University Press on Demand.

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圖片出處：https://bit.ly/2JUYzA9

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tl;dr: View the world from different perspectives. Have empathy and be nice.

教育時評: http://bit.ly/39ABON9

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

喵🐱英總統勝選感言的法文版逐字稿💚💚💚💚

法文逐字稿來源➡️https://taiwaninfo.nat.gov.tw/news.php?unit=47&post=169345&unitname=Politique-Taiwan-Info&postname=La-pr%C3%A9sidente-Tsai-Ing-Wen-r%C3%A9%C3%A9lue-avec-57%2C1%25-des-suffrages

首先，我要謝謝今天出來投票的選民。參與這場選舉，無論投票給誰，都是民主價值的實踐。藉由每一次的總統大選，台灣人都在告訴全世界，我們有多麼珍惜民主自由的生活方式，也珍惜我們的國家—中華民國台灣。
Je voudrais remercier tous ceux qui ont voté aujourd’hui, quel qu’ait été leur choix, a déclaré Tsai Ing-wen. En prenant part à cette élection, vous avez mis en pratique les valeurs démocratiques.

我也要向韓市長和宋主席致意，和我一起完成了這段民主之旅。我會帶著選舉過程中，所有對我的建設性批評，開啟下一個任期。而就算政黨立場不同，我相信未來，大家也會有合作的空間。
Je veux aussi offrir mes respects au maire Han et au président Soong pour avoir effectué avec moi ce parcours démocratique. Je prendrai en considération vos critiques constructives lors de mon prochain mandat. Même si nos partis ont des vues différentes, nous aurons de nombreuses opportunités pour collaborer à l’avenir.

今天，台灣人民用選票，選擇讓民主進步黨繼續執政，並且維持國會的多數。這樣的結果代表，在過去四年，執政團隊和立法院黨團，正走在正確的方向上。
Aujourd’hui, le peuple taïwanais a voté pour maintenir au pouvoir le DPP et lui conserver sa majorité parlementaire. Ce résultat signifie que notre gouvernement et nos parlementaires ont avancé dans la bonne direction au cours des quatre dernières années.

過去這四年，我們有成績，但是也有不足的地方。台灣人民願意再給我們四年，我們會把做不夠的、來不及做的，做得更好、做得更多。
Nous avons fait des progrès au cours des quatre dernières années mais nous avons aussi des insuffisances. Maintenant que le peuple taïwanais nous a accordé quatre années supplémentaires, nous ferons davantage et serons meilleurs dans les domaines où nous n’avons pas obtenu de résultats suffisants et où du travail reste à accomplir.

未來，我們會繼續打造一個更好的國家，有更完善的社會照顧，更全面的基礎建設，更有競爭力的經濟，更國際化的就業，以及就學環境。我們會鞭策自己，政府必須廉能有效率，改革必須要持續推動，區域必須持續均衡發展，貧富差距也必須持續改善。當然，我們也會繼續加強國家安全的作為，守護我們的主權。
Nous aurons toujours à l’esprit que notre administration doit être propre, efficace et compétente. Nous devons continuer à insister sur la réforme, à favoriser un développement régional équilibré et à réduire l’écart entre les revenus. Evidemment, nous continuerons aussi à garantir la sécurité de notre pays et à défendre notre souveraineté.

這次選舉顯示，台灣人民希望國際社會，能夠看到我們對民主價值的堅持，尊重我們的國家認同；並且在國際參與上，給予台灣公平的對待。
Cette élection a montré que le peuple taïwanais espère que la communauté internationale sera témoin de notre fidélité aux valeurs démocratiques et respectera notre identité nationale. Nous espérons aussi que l’on donnera à Taiwan une chance équitable de participer aux affaires internationales.

中華民國台灣，是國際社會不可或缺的一員。我們願意和各國積極合作，共同承擔責任，共享繁榮，維持區域的和平穩定。所以對每個國家而言，台灣應該是一個夥伴，而不是一個議題。
La République de Chine (Taiwan) est un membre indispensable de la communauté internationale. Nous sommes prêts à travailler avec tous les pays pour œuvrer à nos responsabilités communes, prendre part à une prospérité partagée, et aider à maintenir la paix et la stabilité régionales. Tous les pays devraient considérer Taiwan comme un partenaire, pas comme un problème.

這一次選舉結果，揭露了一個重要的意義，那就是：我們的主權和民主，被大聲威脅的時候，台灣人民會用更大的聲音，喊出我們的堅持。
Les résultats de ces élections sont porteurs d’une signification supplémentaire car ils ont montré que lorsque notre souveraineté et notre démocratie sont menacées, le peuple taïwanais donne encore davantage de la voix pour montrer sa détermination.

這三年多來，政府緊守著主權的底線，但也願意和中國維持健康的交往。面對中國的文攻武嚇，我們保持不挑釁、不冒進的態度，讓兩岸之間沒有釀成嚴重的衝突。
Au cours des trois dernières années, notre administration est restée ferme dans sa défense de l’essentiel : la souveraineté de Taiwan ; mais nous avons aussi cherché à maintenir des échanges sains avec la Chine. Face aux pressions diplomatiques et aux menaces militaires de la Chine, nous avons maintenu une attitude non provocatrice et non aventureuse qui a permis d’éviter l’éclatement de tout conflit sérieux dans le détroit de Taiwan.

然而，中國對台灣節節進逼，並提出「一國兩制台灣方案」，要台灣在主權上讓步，吞下我們無法接受的條件；面對中國試圖片面改變台海現狀，台灣別無選擇，我們必須持續強化民主防衛機制，並且建立足以保衛台海安全的國防力量。
Toutefois, à travers une pression accrue et la proposition du modèle "un pays, deux systèmes" pour Taiwan, la Chine a espéré nous contraindre à accepter des conditions qui sont complètement inacceptables.

我要特別強調，我為兩岸關係和平穩定所做的承諾，不會改變。但兩岸雙方都有責任，致力於確保台海的和平穩定
Face aux intentions de la Chine de changer unilatéralement le statu quo entre les deux rives du Détroit, Taiwan n’a eu d’autre choix que de continuer à renforcer ses mécanismes de défense démocratique et d’établir des capacités de défense nationale pouvant assurer la sécurité dans le détroit de Taiwan. Je veux souligner que mon engagement envers des relations pacifiques et stables entre les deux rives reste inchangé, mais les deux rives du détroit ont une responsabilité pour assurer des relations entre les deux rives pacifiques et stables.

今天，我要再次誠懇呼籲對岸當局，「和平、對等、民主、對話」，這八個字是兩岸要重啟良性互動、長久穩定發展的關鍵，也是能夠讓兩岸人民拉近距離、互惠互利的唯一途徑。
Aujourd’hui, je veux une nouvelle fois m’adresser aux autorités de Pékin pour leur rappeler que la paix, la parité, la démocratie et le dialogue sont clés pour des interactions positives entre les deux rives et pour un développement de long terme stable. Ces quatre mots sont aussi la seule façon de rapprocher nos peuples et de bénéficier à chacun d’eux.

和平，就是對岸必須放棄對台灣的武力威脅。
La paix signifie que la Chine doit abandonner la menace d’usage de la force envers Taiwan.
對等，就是雙方都互不否認彼此存在的事實。
La parité signifie qu’aucune des deux rives du détroit de Taiwan ne devrait nier l’existence de l’autre.
民主，就是台灣的前途要由兩千三百萬人決定。
La démocratie signifie que l’avenir de notre pays doit être décidé par ses 23 millions d’habitants.
對話，就是雙方能坐下來談未來關係的發展。
Le dialogue signifie que nous devons être capables de nous asseoir à la même table pour discuter du développement futur des relations entre les deux rives.

我也希望北京當局可以理解，民主的台灣、民選的政府，不會屈服於威脅恫嚇。兩岸的相互尊重及良性互動，才符合彼此人民的利益與期待。這場選舉的結果，就是最清楚的答案。
J’espère aussi que les autorités de Pékin comprennent que la démocratie qu’est Taiwan et notre gouvernement démocratiquement élu ne céderont pas aux menaces ni aux intimidations. Des interactions positives entre les deux rives fondées sur un respect mutuel sont le meilleur moyen de servir nos peuples. Les résultats de ces élections montrent que cette réponse est claire comme de l'eau de roche.

最後我想說，選舉已經結束了，所有選舉過程中的衝突，都應該到此為止。我希望所有支持者，絕對不要有任何刺激對手的言行。我們要擁抱彼此，因為，要打敗這個國家的困境，所有人都必須團結在民主的旗幟之下。
Enfin, je veux rappeler à tous que maintenant que les élections sont terminées, tout conflit ayant surgi au cours de la campagne doit prendre fin. Je demande qu’aucun de mes soutiens n’essaie de provoquer nos opposants. Nous avons besoin de nous rassembler et de nous unir sous la bannière de la démocratie si nous voulons surmonter les défis auxquels notre pays fait face.

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►http://dova-s.jp/
►Production Music courtesy of Epidemic Sound: http://www.epidemicsound.com

注意！我們沒有任何所有音樂的版權
「I have no intentions of copyright, this song does not belong to me」
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